Extract from the diary of
Captain John Hodges, 9th Battalion Adjutant:
"Major Douglas Ballantine also died of wounds on
this day. I heard his last message over the wireless saying, quite cheerfully,
that his tank had been hit three times and that he was trying to get through
the hedge into the orchard. He then dismounted to talk to his Reconnaissance
Officer, Ronnie Kirby, and the CO of the 7th Hampshires. While they were
talking there was a very heavy bout of mortaring and Douglas was wounded in the
head and chest, and both his legs were broken. At this stage tanks were on fire
all around and the counter-attack started to come in. Douglas was in a ditch
with two of his crew, Paddy Murphy and Bill Quinn. Bill says that he was
gradually getting weaker and weaker but kept on trying to help his tanks to get
back out of it. All this time the place was being swept by machine gun and
mortar fire. Bill went to find the Infantry Medical Officer but he had been
killed. Bill managed to get blankets and a ground sheet to make Douglas as
comfortable as possible but it was obvious that he could not last long unless
help arrived very quickly.
After about an hour of this Douglas sent Bill and
Paddy away saying there was nothing they could do for him and that they must
save themselves. At this time the counter-attack was almost on top of them. He
was hardly conscious at this stage. Bill made several attempts to move him but
it was too painful for him and their position was pretty hopeless. Bill and
Paddy managed to get away and joined up with several more de-horsed crews and
crawled back towards the start line through the corn.
At this stage about three-quarters of A Squadron had
lost their tanks and were trying to get back one way or another. The Padre and
our own ambulances made repeated attempts to get forward to the Squadron and
succeeded in picking up about 12 men, but the position was impossible. Later in
the day when C Squadron attacked there must have been a good number of our men
still about the area who would have come under our own artillery barrage. For
days we tried to reach the place to recover the tanks and see what was left but
it was not until 8th August that we were finally able to do so. Then we
recovered and buried nineteen bodies from the burnt out tanks and buried them
together with Douglas at Eterville.
We knew Douglas had died because an Infantry Officer
who got back brought in his identity discs and told us that he had died the
same day (10th July). When we got there on 8th August, Douglas had been buried
by the Infantry but we brought him back with the rest of his Squadron. We found
his notebook in his pocket with his name written on it. Later we heard that at
least three complete crews had been taken prisoner. Of these Frank Quinn was
taken to hospital in Paris and when the Germans fled, he hid in a cupboard
until the Americans found him".
Recollections of Ray Gordon,
wireless operator in Sgt. Jock Smith's tank, 2 Troop,
A Squadron.
"The worst day for A Squadron was at Maltot on
the 10th July. We were moving across a field of yellow rape and through my
periscope I could see tank after tank stop and catch fire although there were
no signs of German tanks firing. One began to feel uneasy and the constant
sound of small arms fire against the turret made us realise that things were
going to be tough. Ted Spight from one of the brewed up tanks appeared just in
front of us looking very dazed so we opened up a pannier door and laid him on
the tool box behind the driver. Soon afterwards we were hit and
"Iceni" rocked to a standstill. The interior of the turret suddenly
became intensely hot, a dry scalding heat. I kept my eyes shut shielding my
face with my hands. The left hand was not wearing the leather gauntlet glove
with which we were issued, the right hand had a glove on. After seemingly
minutes, but it can only have been a very short period, I stood up and pushed
open my turret hatches. We were yelling and I tried to release the clip which
held the bag for holding the empty shell cartridges, but it jammed and could
not be budged. I tried to do this in order that both Jock and Dickie could move
over to my side of the turret in order to get out because Jock could not open
his cupola flaps as shortly before we were hit something had struck the top of
the turret and jammed it shut. I pulled myself out of the turret and fell over
the side hitting the tracks and toppled on to the ground. As I laid there I
could see a large hole slightly forward of the turret (I believe it was an '88'
shot) and flames started coming out of the turret together with the sound of
exploding ammunition. The dreadful cries of my crew trapped in
"Iceni", even now nearly 50 years later, occasionally return to
remind me of the horror of the 10th July 1944. To my everlasting sorrow I was
unable to help even one of those young men with whom I had lived in intimate
contact that was part of a tankman's life when in action.
My face became swollen and very tight making it
difficult to see and the skin of my left hand hung down in black strips from an
arm which was bloodless and white. Lieutenant Shep Douglas, my troop leader,
crawled along the field. "Who are you" he said, not recognising one
of his own troop to whom he had given orders earlier that morning. I followed
him across the field of rape, crouched low because we could hear gunfire, to a
gap in the hedgerow where infantry were in position. The look of horror on
their faces which changed to looks of pity when they saw me will remain for
ever in my mind. It is a look which I would never want to inflict on another
human being. I was helped to a medical truck, given an injection and that was
the end of the 10th July for me".
What were the paths that led the 9th RTR to Maltot?
and what happened after Maltot? This history describes the birth of 9RTR in
World War I and its re-birth in World War II, and then describes where it went
to and what it did until it was disbanded in December 1945. The story starts in
1916.
The ninth battalion of the Heavy Branch Machine Gun
Corps was formed in December 1916, and was designated "I" Battalion.
The battalion went over to France as part of the 3rd Tank Brigade in time to
take part in the third battle of Ypres that started in July 1917. This battle
dragged on for nearly three months in mainly water-logged country which gave
little opportunity for the tanks to prove their value.
The Battle of Cambrai, on the other hand, took place
over well-drained undulating country where the tanks had a proper chance to
show what they could do. Advancing at 6.20 a.m. on 20 November 1917 the attack,
with the "I" Battalion forming part of the leading wave of tanks
supporting 3 Corps of the 3rd British Army, achieved complete surprise. The
initial success was so striking that on the next day the bells of London were
rung in joyous acclaim of the "victory". Lack of reserve formations
meant that the territorial gains were retaken by the Germans within two weeks,
but the experience had provided a key to a longer-lasting victory.
In the spring of 1918 the Germans, relieved of the
pressure on their eastern front by the aftermath of the Russian revolution,
launched a series of attacks on the western front. In March they advanced west
towards Amiens, in April north-west towards Hazebrouck, and in May and June
south towards Chateau-Thierry. Although they had made great gains, they were
held. And with the failure of their attacks the naturally cautious General
Pétain was able to say in mid June 1918: "If we can hold until the end of
June, our situation will be excellent. In July we can resume the offensive;
after that victory will be ours".
They did hold until the end of June, and in July the
offensive was resumed. On 4 July six Australian infantry battalions, working in
close co-operation with 60 tanks of the 5th British Tank Brigade, attacked to
the east of Amiens. With consummate ease and only small losses they captured
the ridge running from Villers Bretonneux north to the Somme at Hamel, this
action being generally known as the battle of Hamel (see Fig 1-1).
A major attack was now planned for 8 August, an attack
that was to be given the name of the Battle of Amiens, and the day itself was
later said by Ludendorff to be: "the black day of the German Army in the
history of the war".
But before that day a further "curtain
raiser" was arranged to test the resistance of the Germans and to improve
the position of General Debeney's French First Army in the Moreuil sector of
the line. Impressed by the outcome at Hamel, the French asked the British for
the loan of the "Cambrai key", their own tanks being engaged on the
Marne.
The tank troops to be loaned consisted of the
headquarters of the 5th Tank Brigade (Brigadier-General Courage) and the
"I" Battalion Royal Tank Corps (Lt. Col. H.K. Woods). The attack they
were to make in support of the French Third Division (General Bourgon) became
known as the Battle of Sauvillers, or alternatively the Battle of Moreuil. It
had as its final objectives the capture of the Bois de St. Ribert in order to
outflank Mailly-Raineval from the south, to abolish certain highly objectionable
German batteries which lay near the Bois de St. Ribert, and to advance the
French field guns eastward so that they could bear on the high ridges
dominating the right bank of the River Avre. These objectives are shown in Fig
1-1.
The attack was ordered on 17 July to take place on 23
July, and much preparation, besides three stages of movement, had to be done.
However, "the Tanks felt that they would be eternally disgraced if they
were obliged so much as to hint that they would like even a day's postponement
of this, their first battle with the French". Moving by nightly stages the
9th reached the scene of the attack twenty-four hours before the attack was due
to go in, although reconnaissances and mutual discussion of the plan had begun
on 18 July. To help improve communication, one English-speaking Frenchman was
provided for each tank.
The attack began at 5.30 a.m. on 23 July. All troops
were stimulated by visits from Brigadier Courage, of whom it was said:
"From the nature of his suggestions and advice, a very ordinary thinker
could easily come to the conclusion that he did not care for the Germans!"
The first-wave tanks advanced through a fairly heavy enemy barrage to clear the
Bois des Arrachis, destroying a number of machine guns, and then advanced to
capture the first intermediate objective - Sauvillers village, Adelpare farm,
and Les Trois Boqueleaux. They arrived fifteen minutes before the infantry, and
had two tanks knocked out by shells.
In the second phase the tanks of B and C companies
moved forward in support of their infantry on either side of the Bois de
Sauvillers. In so doing they outstripped and lost touch with the French
infantry, and while trying to regain contact six tanks were put out of action
by a German battery south of the Bois de St. Ribert.
To the west of this action a battalion commander of
the 51st Regiment of French Infantry requested help from O.C. B Company 9th
Tanks to capture the Bois de Harpon. An improvised attack was quickly planned,
and seven tanks and the infantry captured the wood and a hostile battery, only
two tanks being damaged.
By the evening all objectives had been taken, and the
French were very well satisfied with the action, as were the tanks. The French
had more than seven hundred casualties, but the tank-led 3rd Division lost
little more than the other two French Divisions engaged, even though it had the
main role and twice as large a frontage. Tank Corps casualties were 54, and of
36 tanks engaged, 15 were knocked out, 11 irretrievably. On the other side of
the account the Germans lost 1858 prisoners and unknown numbers killed and
wounded, and also lost 5 field guns, 45 trench mortars and 275 machine guns.
This action was a prelude to the black day of the
German army, on which day the Cambrai Key was again used with great effect. For
the 9th Battalion the 23rd July had two additional honours. Before they went
back to the British sector they had the privilege of being inspected by General
Debeney. He expressed extreme pleasure at the way in which the tanks had
fought, and in his special order of the day gave the Battalion praise of which
they will ever be proud.
"Finally, I owe a special tribute of thanks to
the battalion of British Tanks whose powerful and devoted assistance has aided
and assured our success. Commanded by an experienced and skilful leader the
tanks have again added to that rich harvest of laurels which this new arm has
not ceased to gather since its first appearance in September 1916. They have
given to the Division the finest example of bravery, of energy, of comradeship
in action and of training for war carried to the highest degree of perfection.
Their assistance has enabled the infantry to gain a brilliant victory in which
they themselves share largely".
The Battalion was awarded the Croix de Guerre avec
Palmes as a regimental decoration, worn by all ranks as a lanyard in the
colours of the Croix de Guerre. This honour the 9th shares with only three
other units of the British Army, all of them infantry: 2nd Battalion, Devonshire
Regiment; 4th Battalion, Kings Shropshire Light Infantry; 8th Battalion, West
Yorkshire Regiment.
But the 9th also has a special distinction which
almost certainly will remain ever unique to them. General Bourgon, commander of
the French Third Division, awarded the 9th the honour of wearing the badge of
his Division. A replica of this badge is worn on the upper left sleeve of
everyone serving in the 9th Battalion, proudly showing its motto "Qui s'y
frotte, s'y brule" (touch me, and you burn).
On 24th May 1940 George Rathke, along with five
others, was posted to the 3rd Battalion RTR. George had been in the army for
three months, and in that time had qualified as a motor mechanic class 2. The
3rd were in France, fighting with the Rifle Brigade to form a defensive ring
round Calais.
George and the other reinforcements reached Folkestone
where they were stopped, and told that the 3rd were being evacuated from
Calais. Only about 80 actually returned. The survivors and the intended
reinforcements were sent to Bottisham near Newmarket, where they were
eventually brought up to strength and equipped with Crusader tanks. They
entered into training in preparation for joining Wavell's army in North Africa,
and in due course were issued with tropical kit and given ten days embarkation
leave.
When George returned from leave and reported to the
guard room he was told to read battalion orders. There he found himself on a
list of about forty who were told to hand in their tropical kit and become
"the detachment to the 3rd Battalion". Doug David, who was on the
same list, describes the detachment as a "Home details unit". The
detachment, under the command of Major Bill Andrews, moved in September 1940 to
Thornaugh Hall, half way between Peterborough and Stamford. Doug remembers it
as being about 70-80 strong, and a strange mix of regulars, reservists, and
conscripts. Both Doug and George were made provisional unpaid lance-corporals,
a rank well known and heartily disliked for its onerous responsibilities, no
extra pay, and less rather than more respect from everyone. It becomes clear,
however, that both Doug and George, along with others such as Monty Mount, Jack
Sutton, Frank Summers and Bill Root, had been selected as potential leaders and
trainers.
In October Bill Andrews went to Gateshead with Ian
Sanderson to select suitable billets for some 600 new recruits who were to form
a new tank battalion. Shortly after the billets had been secured the detachment
travelled in a few 3-tonners and 15-cwt trucks from Thornaugh to Gateshead and
were housed in Rose Street school. George Rathke remembers the journey vividly
because: "I was acting as a despatch rider on a motor cycle and the rain
poured down the whole way. I had no kit other than my greatcoat and beret, so I
was literally soaked to the skin."
Planning to create a new tank unit from people
conscripted directly from civilian life meant that many tasks had to be done,
but in particular that:
there
was an effective command structure
there
were instructors for basic military training
there
were instructors for the technical training required by tank crews
In October 1940 Lt.-Col. Paddy Whitsitt arrived as
Commanding Officer elect, and Major James Dewhurst as second-in-command. Other
officers who arrived around this time, as recollected by Bill Andrews,
included: Bob Crisp, Paul Quick, James Snook, and Bob Warren.
Basic military training consists of foot drill and
rifle drill (generally known as square-bashing) and the ability to look after
yourself and your equipment. The necessary instructors for basic training were
obtained by holding what George remembered as "a very strict cadre session
under RSM Nobby Noble. We each had to take turns in commanding a squad in
square-bashing etc, and finally eight of us were made sergeants. I only had one
stripe then (provisional unpaid) so going up to sergeant was a very big
jump". Doug David also records: "I was promoted to sergeant with only
eight months total service and was I admit somewhat amazed".
The billets selected by Bill Andrews consisted of the
Rose Street School and the Prior Street School. Both schools had playgrounds
which were ideal for square-bashing. These may not have been the thoughts of
the 350 or so embryo soldiers who arrived in late November 1940 straight from
civilian life. This intake coincided with the formal re-birth of the 9th
Battalion RTR on 27 November 1940, when the battalion colours and honours were
handed back by the 3rd Battalion RTR. An important link with the 9th of World
War I was maintained by the appointment of Staff Sergeant Chew as Provost
Sergeant. Sgt. Chew had fought with the 9th in 1918, and had also experienced
fighting in France in the early summer of 1940.
The civilian soldiers who arrived at this strange and
almost certainly chilly home were mainly born between 1905 and 1910, and were
thus in the 30 to 35 age group. Many of them came from the North of England,
and those joining the 9th later were impressed both with the north country
accent and the leavening of maturity in almost every part of the Battalion.
Tommy Wolf was not in the first intake, but he did
join the 9th at Gateshead:
"It was with great fear of the unknown that on 14
January 1941 I left my dear wife of two years and my lovely son who was born on
the 20th September 1939. I was thankful that I did not have far to travel –
just across the River Tyne to report at Rose Street School in Gateshead. There
I was met by a Sergeant, and found a small number of men who had already
arrived; by the end of the day there must have been 80 or 90 of us, men from
all walks of life, from Manchester, Liverpool and all points west and south of
Gateshead. That first day we were taken into the Communal Hall where the
schoolchildren had said their prayers every morning. There was a long row of
trestle tables with mountains of uniforms piled up on them, and as we slowly
moved along, the soldiers (old sweats) in charge of the different piles of
clothing would look at you and tell you were such and such a size and you were
given that appropriate article, and then we were sent into the classrooms to
change our clothes, and fill the palliasses with straw for we were to sleep on
the floor.
Very early next morning, we were woken and told to
fall in outside. When we were fallen in, you can imagine the Sergeant's
comments that "he had never seen such a shower, and he would soon lick us
into shape". You could not but wonder why he said these things for such a
motley set of men would never be seen again with the ill-fitting uniforms we
had been given, some with tunics too large or too small and the same with
shirts and trousers. Although the day before there had been quite a lot of
swapping around, some of us were still a sorry sight. After the parade we were
taken inside again and shown how the beds had to be laid out for inspection.
Over the next few days the M.O arrived and we were
given our vaccinations and inoculations against all maladies imaginable.
In February the snows and frost really arrived. There
was at least three feet of snow and the snowdrifts were twice that. It was so
bad that the 9th RTR were brought into service. Different teams of men were
sent to different parts of Gateshead to keep the roads clear of snow and ice.
The team I was in were sent to the main railway lines leading south from
Newcastle. We started at Low Fell, chipping ice from points, signals and all
the snow that had accumulated. (Where were the snowploughs?) We were up there
for over a week keeping everything clear, and we all were pleased when the icy
grip of winter relinquished its hold for it had been really cold.
After this we were moved over to Prior Street School
where to our surprise and delight bunk beds were provided. Then in April Jerrie
decided to have a little bit of fun bombing everything they saw under their
bombsights, and for a week or more they were over every other night they were
over for a week or more. They hit the railyards just behind Prior Street, the
night I was walking back to the school after visiting my wife and son who were
living with her mother on Sunderland Road by this time".
Doug David remembers that basic training was given in
units of 30 by the regular and reservist sergeants and those that had been
through RSM Nobby Noble's cadre. The new recruits were progressively allocated
to squadrons and troops, and in C Squadron as an example the Squadron Sergeant
Major was Tommy Barnett and the Sergeants were Doug David, Monty Mount, Jack
Sutton, Frank Summers and Bill Root. George Rathke was allocated to B Squadron
as troop sergeant of 9 Troop.
On completion of basic training tank soldiers have to
learn the technical skills required to be part of a tank crew. There are three
main groups of skill:
driving
and maintenance
gunnery
operation
of the wireless
Driving and maintenance comprises the ability to drive
various sorts of vehicle and to carry out basic maintenance; the precise duties
in relation to basic maintenance are clearly defined for each type of vehicle.
It is also very useful to have an understanding of how the principal systems of
a petrol or diesel-engined vehicle work, e.g. the engine itself, transmission,
braking, suspension, steering.
Gunnery involved a knowledge of how to use and
maintain the different types of armament carried either by an individual or on
a vehicle. All members of an armoured unit have weapons to protect themselves
and their vehicles. In some cases these weapons can be moved or carried by an
individual (pistols, rifles, machine guns) and in other cases they are mounted
on a vehicle in such a way that they are not normally moved (tank main armament
and machine guns). The main things that a soldier should know - and therefore
must be taught - about any weapon that he may have to use include: adjustment,
loading, firing, and cleaning; cleaning includes stripping, cleaning the
component parts, and re-assembling.
To operate a wireless set effectively a tank soldier
must be able to: tune the wireless set to a given frequency; understand and use
the procedure for speaking correctly; carry out basic maintenance on the
wireless set.
Later in the war most civilians who joined a tank unit
went first to a training regiment where they learnt the basis military skills
and the technical tank skills. The teaching of the technical skills was greatly
helped by appropriate equipment and training aids, but life in late 1940 was
more urgent, and 9RTR had to do all this training itself. Doug David records
that after the basic training, technical wings were formed to teach the three
basic tank skills. He became a driving and maintenance (D & M) instructor
along with Frank Summers, and Captain Dennis Studdard was officer in charge of
the D & M wing.
Basic and technical training went on at Gateshead for
six months, and then the unit moved to an area more suitable for training with
tanks. This move took place in May 1941, and Doug recalls that "we moved
with reluctance from Gateshead, where the civilians lined the streets to wave
us goodbye. Gateshead had been good to us".
In May 1941 the 9th left Gateshead - with considerable
regret, as recorded in the previous chapter - and moved to Farnley Park, Otley,
Yorkshire. Otley is some ten miles north west of the centre of Leeds, and six
miles east of the better known Ilkley. It was undoubtedly the nearby moors that
made Otley so attractive to the War Office, either with a beret or without. By
this time all ranks had had their basic and technical training, and had been
grouped into squadrons, troops, and supporting echelons. They were now ready to
train on the tanks in which they would fight.
Tommy Wolfe remembers the move to Otley, and what the
9th found when they got there.
"In May 1941 we made another move to a place
called Otley in Yorkshire, and we were surprised to find that this time it was
to be under canvas. The tents were already up when we arrived and we were
sorted out about six to each tent; the ablutions were just two rows of sinks
with water taps running the whole length above, about 12 taps on either side
and these were out in the open too with cold water".
The 9th had been allocated the role of a heavy tank
unit, and would therefore be armed with heavy, or infantry, tanks. The British
Army's policy in the late 1930's was to have three broad categories of tank,
namely: light, lightly armed and armoured, to serve as scouts; cruiser, with
high velocity two pounder guns, that could use their speed and range to carry
out long distance strikes; and the infantry tank, slow, heavily armoured,
working alongside the infantry and having a tough hide to absorb punishment.
In September 1939 the General Staff requested the
engineering firm Harland and Wolff in Belfast to design an extra large infantry
tank based on World War I principles; this was designated the A20. The first
prototypes were delivered in June 1940, at a time when the British Army was
desperately short of every type of fighting vehicle. To speed up production the
A20 was scaled down to a design designated A22, which was given the name
"Churchill". The re-design was done by the Director of Tank Design,
Dr. H.E. Merritt, and a team of engineers from Vauxhall Motors. Vauxhall Motors
were then instructed to have the tank in production by June 1941, a time
schedule so tight that it allowed no time for user or development trials.
Vauxhall succeeded in making the schedule, but were so
conscious of the vehicle's deficiencies that they included in the user's
handbook a disclaimer, which is here partly quoted and partly paraphrased:
"All those things which we know are not as they
should be will be put right. In nearly every case the cure has already been
found, and it will be introduced as soon as the new materials or parts become
available. We are aware of defects, but basically the Churchill is a good tank.
In these abnormal times it is thought better to produce the tank as it is, and
to carry out the modifications we know to be necessary in the field
units".
The 9th had the dubious pleasure of being one of the
first units to be equipped with Churchill tanks, and special efforts were made
to familiarize them with their new vehicles. Doug David remembers:
"Sergeant Jock Renton and myself had special training (and civilian
billets) at Vauxhall's where the tank was assembled". George Rathke
appears to have had it slightly better: "Sergeant Steer and I were sent on
a six weeks' course to Vauxhall's in Luton where we saw for the very first time
the Churchill tank which was under construction. We worked alongside Vauxhall's
work force. We had civvy billets and very good they were too, and we were also
given extra pay by the management which was much appreciated".
Back at Otley shortly afterwards the unit's first
Churchill arrived at Otley station to be met by Captain Stan Tresize, the
Battalion Technical Adjutant, along with George and Sergeant Steer. Eventually
the full quota of tanks arrived, and intensive training in both driving and
troop manoeuvres began on the Yorkshire moors.
Doug David, Jock Renton, George Rathke and several
others had training at Vauxhall's in driving the Churchill; it was not
particularly easy to drive "especially in the handling of the gearbox,
which was quite difficult". Doug and the others were appointed D & M
instructors, and spent many chilly hours on the moors. It could get worse, too.
George recalls "going out on one scheme with eighteen tanks and returning
with only four. The rest were scattered all over the moors until the fitters
managed to get them moving again and back to harbour. I was lucky, my tank
'Immune' kept going. But my troop leader Teddy Mott in 'Inspire' and troop
corporal Ronnie Beard in 'Impulse' were stranded all that night on the
moors". Tommy Wolf describes some of the hassles and frustrations in
learning to drive.
"It was here that the first Churchill tank was
delivered and we were told that the little peashooter sticking out of the
turret was called a "Two Pounder". What we could not understand was
why was there such a small gun attached to a huge tank like that. Then one day
the Churchill was taken on to the moors, with a few spare crew to learn how to
drive etc. Then catastrophe struck for the tank started to sink into the ground
and no way could we get it out. We tried digging but to no avail. Eventually a
Scammell was brought in and even that could not shift it; then an L.A.D.
vehicle came up and even the pair of them could not move it, for they had to
use a long tow-rope in case they became bogged down. While all this was going
on some of us were digging beneath the tracks of the bogged Churchill and
stuffed all the gorse bushes we could find, plus planks of wood from the L.A.D
wagon under the tracks. Eventually with the help of the Churchill's own engine
it was pulled out on to firmer ground. It was late in the evening when all this
finished and we spare men never got to drive that day".
As both George Rathke and Tommy Wolf have described,
the Churchills met the expectations of Vauxhall Motors in proving very
unreliable. Various changes were made from the middle of 1941 to the end of
1942 to improve both mechanical and fighting performance. These changes
resulted in Churchills designated Marks I, II, III and IV. The Marks III and IV
had a 6-pounder gun as the main armament, and a Besa 7.92mm machine gun was
mounted alongside (co-axially) with the 6-pounder. Another Besa machine was
mounted in the driving compartment, and was operated by the co-driver.
The first time Churchills saw action was at Dieppe on
19 August 1942, where they were used by the Calgary Regiment of the Canadian
Army. This unsatisfactory and costly operation "Jubilee" did have at
least two positives: it showed that the Churchill could take a lot of
punishment, and it also sparked the development of specialized armoured
fighting vehicles that played such an important part in the Normandy landing.
Production of Churchills went on during the second
half of 1942, and modifications were made continuously. In October and November
six Churchills sent to North Africa for experimental purposes were commanded by
Major Norris King in actions at Kidney Ridge and Tel el Aqqaqir. A technical
report on these actions stated: "these tanks were used on both occasions a
considerable distance in advance of the Sherman tanks which formed the main
attack. They came under very heavy fire and stood up remarkably well". In
fact the six tanks absorbed 106 hits from AP and HE projectiles, and only one
was knocked out.
An important and immediate consequence of the actions
of "Kingforce" was that 25 Army Tank Brigade and 21 Army Tank
Brigade, both equipped with Churchills, were put on notice for despatch to
Tunisia to support 1st Army. Where they went, and once again proved that they
could take a lot of punishment, and move over very difficult country; one
German commander reported that he had been attacked by " a mad tank
battalion which had scaled impossible heights and made me withdraw".
This action took place on 26 February 1943, and was
followed by other equally successful and demanding actions. Also in early 1943
came several other announcements. Production of an additional 500 Churchills
was authorized, of which 300 were to be armed with a 95mm howitzer in place of
the 6-pounder main armament. Tanks equipped with the 95mm were designated
Churchill Mark V, and they acted as close support artillery, able to engage
targets such as infantry strong points, anti-tank guns, and mortar batteries
much more effectively than the 6-pounder.
On 20 April 1943 the War Cabinet announced that: a new
75mm gun would be mounted in a Churchill to be designated Mark VI; and that
production of Churchills would continue throughout 1944 at least, bringing the
total produced to 5000. In May it was announced further that 200 examples of a
new type, the A22F, were to be built. These were to have frontal armour
increased from 102mm to 152mm in thickness, and the construction generally was
to be welded rather than riveted. The 75mm version of this design was the
Churchill Mark VII, and the 95mm version the Mark VIII.
Various other modifications were made as these
progressive Marks appeared, but the Churchill remained instantly familiar
throughout its entire life. The engine, gearbox, transmission, and steering
were very little changed, and driving a Churchill presented the same unique
peculiarities in all Marks I to VIII.
The 9th was one of the first units to be equipped with
the Churchill, and with Churchills we fought and lived for the rest of WWII. A
more detailed account of its technicalities, peculiarities and performance is
given in Appendix V.