The Broedersbosch
was a plantation of young pine trees varying in height from 12 to 20 feet. They
were close together, and were probably due for an early thinning. This resulted
in visibility being very poor once a tank was in the trees. There were many
rides criss-crossing the plantation, but there was every likelihood that they
would be covered by anti-tank weapons of some sort. The 9th withdrew from the
Reichswald on 14 February, on which day they salvaged bogged tanks, maintained
tanks generally, and as many people as possible had a bath at Nijmegen. The
unit had been hoping for 48 hours rest, but it turned out to be 24 hours
instead. On 15 February the 9th was attached to 52 (Lowland) Division, and
began preparations for an attack south and east parallel with the River Maas.
The War Diary takes up the story.
The War Diary 15 February - 12 March 1945
On 15 February 9 RTR was
briefed for operations south of Gennep with 52 (Lowland) Division. Information
about the enemy was as follows.
It was known that 2 Para
Regiment originally holding line of the River Maas had to swing right to meet
the threat from the north flank and were holding line running approximately
south west to north east from just north of Afferden with II Battalion right –
I Battalion left. Between II/2 Para Regiment and 20 Para Regiment, who were
holding the area south of Hassum, is Battalion Reigels, a rather nondescript
GAF Battle Group. All these Battalions had suffered heavily in the last week.
Six Jagdpanthers had been encountered south of Heyen, probably elements of 683
Anti-tank Battalion and a few SP guns.
The 51 Highland Division were
holding this part of the front line. 52 Division were to pass through 51
Division and seize the Broedersbosch, the high ground about Grootehorst, and
the village of Weeze.
The intention of 9 RTR, less
A Squadron, was to support 157 Brigade in the capture of the Broedersbosch, and
then to exploit to the line Afferden, Rempeld, Kasteel Blijenbeek. The first
phase was the capture of the Broedersbosch, and the order of battle was:
Left Right
5 HLI 5
KOSB
C Squadron 9 RTR B
Squadron 9 RTR
1 platoon 7 MANCH 2
platoons 7 MANCH
Troop (SP) 214 A/Tk Bty Troop (SP) 214 A/Tk Bty
Objective Objective
NE corner of main body of SE Corner of main body the Broedersbosch of the Broedersbosch
16
Feb 0600
hours. 9 RTR tanks less A Squadron left Groesbeek, and passing through Mook and
Gennep arrived in the Assembly area at 1000 hours, each Squadron having eleven
battleworthy tanks.
1500
hours. Squadrons crossed
start line in support of infantry. On the right there was only slight opposition.
One strongpoint, however, at Zwarte Kamp had to be reduced with a combined
assault with close artillery support; 30 prisoners of 2 Para Regiment were
taken and many killed. From the left heavy HE fire was reported from the
direction of Nieuw Erf and OC C Squadron
lost his tank on a mine. Resistance was stiffer on this flank and a
pocket of enemy which had been left by the infantry fought strongly using a
considerable number of panzerfaust which, fortunately, fell short or wide of
the two troops who had become involved in this little battle. Short range HE
and machine gun fire eventually broke resistance and by 1615 hours the tanks
had joined up again with the infantry who, though fighting well in the open,
appeared to lack confidence in wood clearing and tank co-operation. By 1700
hours, 2 troops on the right and one on the left had reached their objectives
and fifteen minutes later another troop on the left reported in position. In
centre of the left sector infantry were held up 30 yards short of objective by
heavy Spandau fire and the troop in support was threatened by frequent
panzerfaust. This enemy position took some time to destroy because concentrated
and accurate fire from the tanks was not possible owing to damaged traverse
systems. One tank was hit by a panzerfaust and brewed up. The crew were badly
burnt and Trooper Norman Hopkins had his leg crushed as he fainted in front of
a neighbouring tank. (see Cyril Rees' account for correct facts). By 1830
hours, all objectives had been secured but between 1900 and 1940 the artillery
had to be called twice to break up the enemy forming up for a counter-attack.
At
2300 hours, SP's and anti-tank guns had been moved up into position and the
Squadrons were released and joined RHQ at Schaafschen Hof, where it had been
established for the battle.
During
the day's fighting 2 Officers and 73 OR's had been taken prisoner all belonging
to 2 Para Regiment.
17
Feb 9 RTR tanks
continued to support 52 (Lowland) Division in carrying out their original
intention, which resulted in a series of local and somewhat abortive actions.
The plan of Phase 1, the capture of Afferden, had been changed. It had been
intended that B Squadron should support 1 Glasgow Highlanders in this task, but
as B Squadron had not been released till late the previous evening, the Glasgow
Highlanders were given the support of the Crocs which were not used. Afferden
fell quickly after an early attack.
At
0700, B Squadron with eleven tanks reported to 52 Division Recce, and remained
at 30 minutes' notice for a combined attack in clearing (i) down to anti-tank
obstacle between Afferden and Grootehorst; (ii) triangle Afferden – Grootehorst
– Bergen.
At
0900 C Squadron were sent to rest and refit, but at 1100 hours, following an
'O' group held at 155 Infantry Brigade HQ, it was decided that A Squadron,
still resting and refitting at Groesbeek, would support 7th/9th Royal Scots in (i) attacking farm Molenhuis
and pt 22.7, (ii) support infantry by fire from high ground to anti-tank ditch,
and in placing fascines in ditch at three places. The first phase was to be
carried out with 2 companies and 2 troops up – H - hour 1600 hours.
At
1530, B Squadron move in support Recce Regiment to clear road Afferden –
Grootehorst. Opposition light – enemy in houses engaged with HE. However, large
craters and very soft ground delayed a further advance, though 52 Recce
succeeded in clearing wood to the west of Rempeld. B Squadron later pushed on
to Rempeld and there formed a firm base.
Meanwhile,
A Squadron had been summoned from Groesbeek but owing to the roads being
blocked with traffic their attack did not start according to plan.
Reinforced
by two tanks from RHQ, the Squadron had mustered two troops and a command tank,
and though Troop Leaders were only given hasty orders, they did not succeed in
crossing the start line until H + 20 minutes. 7th/9th Royal Scots had already
moved forward and B Company was contacted south of the startline, but no
contact was made with the other company, visibility being poor among the 3' to
4' high trees in thick young fir wood. The tanks got to within 300 yards of
farm but no infantry could be seen. Enemy were now using panzerfaust in large
numbers, most of which, however, exploded against the trees. One commander was
injured. Eventually, one infantry platoon was found in a small clearing
digging-in under heavy mortar fire. One mortar position was destroyed by 95mm
HE. At 1800 hours, the infantry command was at last contacted and A Squadron,
being released half-an-hour later, moved to join RHQ.
At
1830, B Squadron was contacted by a patrol from 5 KOSB and then withdrew to
Afferden for the night. RHQ and A Squadron moved to harbour area on the
southern edge of the Broedensbosch at 2040 hours.
18
Feb During
the night 17/18 February the 7th/9th Battalion The Royal Scots (7/9 RS)
occupied objectives that had not been captured the previous day. At 0600 hours
an "O" Group was held at which A Squadron was ordered to support the
4th Battalion The Kings Own Scottish Borderers (4 KOSB) in the following
operations:
Phase
1: • crossing anti-tank ditch south of
Rempeld
• assist Assault Engineers in
placing fascines at crossing
• silence stongpoint at Kasteel
Blijenbeek
Phase
2: • support two companies in attack on
woods south of Kasteel Blijenbeek
• silence enemy position 400m
south of the anti-tank ditch
A
Squadron had only six tanks available, two of which had only recently been
delivered and these not thoroughly checked. Organised in two troops of two
tanks each, supported by a Close Support 95mm tank, A Squadron left their
harbour at 0730 hours and crossed the start line one hour later. One troop was
to support the crossing of the anti-tank ditch and the other to attack the
strongpoint. Both troops, however, were soon engaged by SP's situated to the
south of the ditch, and as the infantry came under heavy fire success looked
doubtful from the first. One of the tanks, attacking the strongpoint, had three
bogies shot away and the main armament was jammed. The other tank advanced firing
86 6-pounder rounds at the concrete defences at 50 yard range and then was hit,
becoming immovable. On the right, the situation was no better. Anti-tank fire
had brewed one Churchill and the other was pinned. The AVRE was also hit and
the CO 4 KOSB reported the operation not possible. At 0910 tanks and infantry
rallied north of Rempeld and at 1220 A Squadron was released and returned to
RHQ area.
B
Squadron operating with 52 Recce Regiment had moved back to Rempeld at first
light and with eight tanks straffed known enemy positions south of River Beek.
It was soon appreciated, however, that no further advance could be made under
existing conditions and the Squadron returned to Afferden in a counter-attack
role. In these actions, clearing difficult wooded country stubbornly defended,
the Regiment lost three tanks by enemy action and suffered six casualties among
tank crews.
The
poor nature of the ground with so many obstacles did not allow constant use of
tanks, and February 19 was a quiet day though there was heavy mortaring during
the night. Tank replacements had begun to arrive and refitting was begun on the
next day when the Regiment concentrated at Heyen. The main task had been
achieved and a congratulatory message was received from the Corps Commander.
Six
days in tents and bivouacs passed with the Regiment either leisurely doing
maintenance or resting, and then on 27 February the Regiment moved to take up a
counter-attack role with 156 Brigade, 52 (Lowland) Division, who were relieving
51 (Highland) Division, on the night 27/28 February.
C
Squadron were to support either 7 CAM or 4 RSF in the area of Hulm and
Boyenhoff, while A Squadron were to be prepared to move south in support of 7/9
RS or 6 CAM.
B
Squadron were to remain in reserve.
On
1 March, the Regiment moved forward to support infantry of 156 Brigade who had
now extended positions to include Grootehorst, a bridgehead over anti-tank
ditch south of Grootehorst, and Neider Helsun.
Enemy
resistance on the right was believed to be slackening but 53 Division were
fighting hard in Weeze, which was believed to be a hinge for the enemy
withdrawal to a bridgehead round Wesel.
C
Squadron in direct support to 156 Brigade were situated at Hulm with A Squadron
in reserve. B Squadron moved to the east of Grootehorst in support 155 Brigade.
RHQ established itself in a broken-down farmhouse west of Goch.
C
and B Squadrons experienced some shelling, resulting in damage to two vehicles
and Lt. Peter Beale was wounded slightly below the right eye.
On
2 March snow made life less comfortable and the day looked as if it would be
quiet but now the Divisional front was gradually moving forward; ground being
taken over as it was vacated by the enemy.
As
a result of a Division conference, C Squadron were given the task of supporting
156 Brigade in clearing Hees wood 9034 in order to open road Hees - Wemb.
The
Regiment less C Squadron was to support 157 Brigade now concentrated south of
Goch and be prepared to pass through 53 (W) Division and 8 Armoured Brigade if
necessary on axis Kevelaer - Geldern. The Regiment was placed at 2 hours'
notice and at 1000 hours on 3 March A Squadron moved across country to area of
1 Glasgow Highlanders who had already concentrated. The roads, however, were
frozen by Corps to allow the Guards Armoured Division to move south. B Squadron
did not move.
C
Squadron had been unable to move south as there was no way across anti-tank
ditch owing to demolitions – one Stuart was lost on a mine in an endeavour to
find a route. 156 Brigade, however, carried out its task and took fifteen
stragglers, one of whom was drunk.
53
Division and 8 Armoured Brigade had meanwhile contacted the Americans and the
bridgehead was slowly being squeezed. It was still possible, however, that 52
Division and 34 Armoured Brigade would be needed and orders were issued to
concentrate at Walbeck.
On
4 March the Regiment began to move but having reached the area of Langstraat
were then ordered to move no further.
It
was thought that 53 (W) Division and the 8 Armoured Brigade would be punched
out by the Americans and Guards Armoured Division but on 6 March they were
still in the line regretting, it is reported, that they did not have the
support of 9 RTR tanks.
Again
it was possible that 52 Division and 34 Armoured Brigade would pass through and
the Brigade groups – 147 RAC in support 155 Brigade and 9 RTR tanks in support
156 Brigade – were warned to stand by. The following day, however, 34 Armoured
Brigade ceased to be under command 52 (Lowland) Division and the Regiment
remained in the area of Langstraat, having baths and doing washing, awaiting
its next orders.
The
Regiment was warned of a possible short rest but suddenly, at 7 o'clock on the
evening of 8 March, a warning order was received whereby the Regiment would be
moving at 6 o'clock the next morning. During the last 24 hours enemy resistance
around the Wesel bridgehead was as determined as ever; reports indicated the
Para Regiments holding the line were being reinforced and the appreciation was
that there would be some tough fighting before the German positions were
destroyed.
2
Canadian Corps took over the whole front and the plan was 52 (Lowland) Division
with 34 Armoured Brigade in support would relieve 53 (W) Division and the 8
Armoured Brigade who had not yet been pinched out by the 35 US Infantry
Division of 9 US Army.
At
2300 hours on 8 March, the CO was still trying to get definite orders which had
already been changed twice. Eventually, however, it was decided that the
Regiment would move at 0700 hours on 9 March and take over that day from 13/18
Hussars, 9 RTR Tanks were to support 155 and 156 Brigades while 147 RAC
supported 157 Brigade, whereupon A Squadron were allotted to 7th/9th Royal
Scots (155 Brigade) and C Squadron to 4/5 RSF (156 Brigade).
The
enemy bridgehead was still thought to consist of 2,000 fighting troops,
elements of 6. 7. & 8 Para
Divisions, and 180 and 190 Infantry Divisions. 24 Para Regiment was believed to
be facing 52 (Lowland) Division.
Small
local attacks gradually nibbling away the enemy positions were considered a
waste of time and the intentions for 10 March were to carry out a set-piece
attack on the Wesel bridgehead. 52 Division supported by 34 Armoured Brigade
were to be on the left and 35 US Division (part of the US 9th Army) on the
right.
In
the early morning, with heavy artillery fire, the attacks began, but there was
no resistance and only enemy stragglers were picked up; one, a GAF NCO, stated
that all possible equipment had been evacuated across the Wesel railway bridge
by 0500 hours and the bridge itself had been blown two hours later.
Word
came that there might be the inevitable gallop but as there was now no further
need for tank support, the infantry gradually took over the ground up to the
Rhine. The Wesel bridgehead petered out without even a whimper, thought the BBC
reported that same night that enemy resistance was slackening.
The
9th spent 24 hours in the woods, where the CO and Major Holden, using Verey
lights from an abandoned ammunition dump, amused themselves and others with a
firework display.
The
Regiment journeyed back on 12 March over the Maas and, with the Brigade,
prepared to relax in the area of Deurne, some fifteen miles east of Eindhoven.
Personal recollections 15 February - 12 March 1945
John Hodges' diary has entries for the days
up to 20 February. The 9th was then static for a few days, and John went on
leave to England from 27 February to 11 March.
"15th February
Day of so-called rest. Orders for a fresh
attack – so busy after all. Had a shower at Nijmegen – first since 19th
December!! Heard that Mike Reynell died and is buried at cemetery near
Nijmegen. Blast the war – all the nicest people get killed.
16th February
B and C Squadrons attack woods north of
Afferden on the Maas. Very tired before we started. The Boche, from 2 Para,
fought well and as our infantry didn't seem too good the party didn't go with a
swing. However we reached our objectives at a cost. Ronnie Holden's tank went
up on a minefield where a lot of infantry were injured. Later C had a tank
fired up by bazooka and three of crew were badly burnt and one run over.
Eventually we managed to get what was left of both Squadrons back but it was
not a happy party.
17th February
Another party laid on today – A Squadron
with 155 Brigade, B Squadron with Recce Regiment – Tank chaps are on their
knees, so am I! We didn't get awfully far and spent an uncomfortable night with
periodical stonks falling about. Woke up wet and miserable!
18th February
A Squadron attack with their only 6 fit
tanks. 1 'Blown up' – 2 knocked out and 1 seized. Seem to have run up against
enemy in strength. Everything halts until Goch is taken, then we shall have
another crack. All headquarters are about on their 'knees'.
19th February
Plenty of shelling and mortaring by both
sides especially at night. Had to dig hole at 11pm!
20th February
147 RAC are relieving us tonight so we
shall NOT have to do the attack tomorrow. We go back to Heyen for 48 hours rest
in woods. Raining at the moment which doesn't cheer us up much".
Peter Beale's diary resumes on 15 February:
"15 February Groesbeek. Spent the day
maintaining tanks and getting ready for action with 5 KOSB of 52 Division.
Company Commander is Arthur Jardine-Paterson. We have to attack through a wood
called Broedersbosch and apparently it is held by some Para troops.
16 February Schaafschen Hof. This was our
start line this morning and it was good to get back here. Started early and
went through Mook and Gennep and got to assembly area at 1000 hours. Hung
around till mid-afternoon. Army photographer – only one I've ever seen – took
pictures of all the crews in their tanks lined up along the edge of the wood.
Hoppy (Eric Hopwood, my wireless op) didn't seem too impressed with this performance
because I asked the photographer to get a picture of us!
Going through the wood wasn't too bad, and
the map was amazingly accurate; you could tell which cross-track you had got to
by the angle at which you reached it.
Got to our objective as it was getting
dark, and the tanks were on either side of the ride in the trees. Had a nasty
shock when I heard a tank coming along the ride from the enemy direction. I was
out of the tank talking to Arthur – who had lost nearly two platoons during the
day – and didn't have time to get back to it. So just waited for it to arrive,
and it turned out to be – a Valentine! Didn't think they were still used, but
this was an FOO (Forward Observation Officer) tank, and I suppose the commander
hadn't much idea of where he was. Eventually got back to Schaafschen Hof, and
slept very comfortably on top of the engine hatches. Bloody cold when you wake
up in the morning, though.
17 February Afferden. We were working with
52 Recce Regiment and in the end we took Rempeld, a bit south of yesterday's
wood. Then we laagered in Afferden, which had been captured this morning and
was badly knocked about.
18 - 20 February. Afferden. The ground was bad for tanks to the south
and evidently the infantry CO didn't think there was much point in pushing too
hard when the Jerries would probably get pinched out anyway and have to move
back to the east. Squadron HQ in a cellar and we played bridge most evenings
with two of the troop leaders from the Recce Regiment. One evening (20 February)
I got the feeling the Germans had my range and were pursuing me with mortars –
certainly improved the acceleration!
21-26 February. Heyen. We moved back from
Afferden to Heyen and Roger said we were likely to have a few days there. He
decided to set up an officers' mess-tent, but most evenings we have been in
Nijmegen to the club. It has meant that I've been able to have breakfast,
lunch, tea and dinner with the crew and in the mess – eight meals a day! But it
is cold, and we're outside 24 hours a day, so it burns itself off no trouble.
27-28 February. North of Hassum. Moved to
support 52 Division in another advance to the south. Went into Nijmegen to look
for a bath, but couldn't find one; met Geoff Shepherd, now Adjutant of 147 RAC;
finally had a shower at Mook.
1 March. Nijmegen. Moved south via Goch in
support of 155 Brigade. We were just to the east of Groote Horst and I was
siting the tanks when a shell or mortar or something landed close by and I was
hit on the right cheek by a shrapnel fragment. It didn't seem much but reckoned
it was best to check with Doc Paddy Knox (our Medical Officer). So off to RHQ
and Paddy reckons it is OK but should be checked out at hospital. Next stop 3
CCS (Casualty Clearing Station) at Nijmegen. They said it was OK, nothing left
in, so stay overnight and back to the unit tomorrow.
2 March. Asperheide. Left hospital in
morning. Went to look at Mike's grave (Mike Reynell, killed in the Reichswald
on 12 February). Went back to Squadron echelon and spent night with Tommo (SSM
Tomlinson) and Sgt. Butch Robinson.
3 March. Malden. Went back to Battalion HQ
and stayed there till 1500 hours. Returned to squadron in Adjutant's jeep. Saw
Crerar (General Harry Crerar, GOC 1st
Canadian Army).
4 March. Langstraat. To Nijmegen in
morning. Travelled down through Gennep and Afferden to Langstraat by tank. Saw
Churchill and Monty in Gennep".
[Note: this is confirmed by Lord
Alanbrooke's 'Triumph in the West', where he records for 4 March: 'We (Winston
Churchill, Montgomery, and Alanbrooke) then proceeded to Gennep to see the
Bailey bridges which had been put up on the Maas; they were even longer than
the one I saw over the Sangro River last year'].
The remainder of Peter's diary for this
period records the moves forward to the Wesel pocket, and then back over the
Maas to the Deurne area, where B Squadron were billetted at Vlierden.
Taffy Leyshon records of the action of
February 1945:
"We lost our Sgt. Reg Mead in the
Reichswald, and Norman Hopkins had that terrible wound, he must be the most
courageous man I know".
Cyril Rees describes the action in which
four of his crew (himself, Norman Hopkins, Graham Gordon and Syd Hazel) were
wounded.
"The general line of advance toward
Goch and beyond involved negotiating a large wooded area, and the area in which
C Squadron was involved reminded me very much of similar tracts of Forestry
Commission woodland in England. Those who exercised around Thetford will
remember the large stands of fairly mature conifers bisected here and there
with wide sandy rides and firebreaks; and there were similar types of forestry
in Sussex and Surrey.
13 Troop were to move up the left side of
this particular ride, and our infantry would be further in the wood and move
with us. I have no idea of the disposition of the rest of the squadron; perhaps
there were other troops on the right side of the ride, but I don't know. Since
the rides would almost certainly be covered by 88's, either as field guns or
mounted on S.P's or tanks, the 9th senior commanders and O.C's and commanders
of supporting units decided other strategies were needed. As a result, I found
myself waiting for the off, with the engine running and my visor open, hard up
against rows of conifers (Scots Pine, I think), with row upon row ahead of me,
as far as I could see.
Our tank was about a yard inside the wood,
parallel with the ride. Our Troop Leader, Lt. Des Lilley, was about 25 feet
ahead of me, and off to my left, so that our left hand track would roughly
follow the right hand track of his tank. The pine trees immediately ahead of me
were not very old, varying between 4 to 6 inches in diameter (though there were
older trees as we went deeper into the forest). The plan seemed to be that by
ploughing a swathe two tank widths through the trees, we would create some
surprise to the enemy and lessen our chance of being hit by the 88's.
Independent now had "Tosh" Brooks
as commander since Tom Tomney was wounded at Nispen. Norman Hopkins was still
our Op. Ginger Kirk had had his arm knocked by a 3 tonner a day or so
previously, so we had a spare crew gunner and a spare crew co-driver. So, of
our original troop sergeant's crew from Charing, Norman and I were the sole
survivors. Unseen behind us was Frank Hodgson's tank.
Some weeks earlier many tanks had been
getting spare track plates tack-welded on to any flat exposed surface as
additional protection against bazookas fired at close range. So this was a
slight comfort to us. "Driver advance," said Tosh over the intercom.
The troop leader, Desmond Lilley, was also
moving off. I slipped into first and closed the top hatches. A small amount of
throttle and I let in the clutch. Independent leaned gently on the trees
immediately in front of us and they slowly fell away and were snapped off at
belly height as we edged forward in first gear quite effortlessly at little
more than tick-over speed. I kept my front visor open so we could maintain
station and observe what was happening ahead.
The first 25 yards or so was a piece of
cake. Then the problems started. I could see the tank ahead as it smashed down
the trees and the thicker parts of the trunks as they were picked up by the
tracks and carried up to the top return run. The mud shields were being ripped
off on each side and after a short distance both top tracks were totally
without any cover. Of course, this was happening to us also, though I could see
nothing except when a battered piece of sheet metal was carried round by our
tracks and dropped on to the fallen trees in front.
But I could now see a far more serious
thing happening. Both our tanks now had no mudguards and I could watch as the
splintered trunks were jammed in the tracks and carried forward to the point
where they were forced under the overhanging turret. With the tremendous
leverages involved something had to give, and this happened to be the teeth of
the turret ring. It was happening to us, too. I could hear and feel the teeth
ripping off, with a sound like a football rattle. I watched helplessly as the
turrets swung first one way and then the other, quite out of control. Thus,
both our tanks would have been unable to use, or have any control over, the
main armament.
I had little idea what distance we had
travelled, though probably we had been moving slowly ahead for about 10
minutes. Then, for some reason unknown to me, the Troop Leader's tank stopped.
I slipped into neutral but didn't bother using the handbrake, just waiting to
see what happened next. The tank ahead began to reverse, and I expected to hear
Tosh say "driver reverse" to me. I was on the point of dipping the
clutch and selecting reverse when Independent was rocked by a violent
explosion. The compartment was filled with vicious searing flames and nothing
was visible to me except the red ignition warning light on my dashboard.
I was wearing a chunky knit khaki pullover
which my mother had knitted and sent a few weeks before. My lanyard was round
my neck and although quite irregular, my Smith and Wesson was tucked into my
trouser pocket and not into my holster. Self preservation being uppermost in my
mind, I had to escape from this inferno. I pushed open the top hatches and
tried to stand up on my seat, but the lanyard must have caught on some
obstruction, perhaps the gear lever. Straining against this the lanyard must
have burned through and parted. Heaving myself on to the bare track, I lay
gasping and smouldering for a split second before launching myself head first
into the shrubbery and grass below, alongside the bogies. Then, merciful oblivion.
How long it was before coming to, I've no
idea, but it was dusk when I became aware that I was lying on a stretcher on
top of a Bren carrier. Alongside was another stretcher, occupied by someone in
field grey, but I could find no hate or enmity in me at that time. I was fairly
drowsy; looking at my hands I could see they were quite black and had large
blisters. The pullover I was wearing had begun, as far as I could see, to melt
and turn black and glossy. I was aware of voices but was unable to pick up
much. Someone nearby produced a tube of morphine and jabbed it into my lower
arm, I think it was. I think this chap was Frank Risbridger.
It wasn't long before I began to feel
drowsy. I was vaguely aware of figures approaching the carrier and looking down
on the occupants of the stretchers. Before lapsing once more into
unconsciousness I heard the familiar voice of our much respected Squadron
Leader, Major Ronnie Holden. "My God, it's Rees," were the last words
I heard before leaving C Squadron and the 9th RTR in Germany.
In the event, this was the finish of the
original Troop Sergeant's crew of 13 Troop from the Charing days. Norman lost
his sight as a result of this last action and I was slightly burnt on my hands
and face. My clothes, particularly the woollen jumper, seemed to have prevented
more serious burns, though most clothes had to be cut off with scissors. The
9th was disbanded a few months later, so Major Holden's words really were my
last remembrances of C Squadron.
While I was lying recumbent alongside the
bogies, and unknown to me, the rest of our crew were rapidly abandoning our
stricken Mk III. Whether Norman had already been blinded by the internal blast
or whether this occurred shortly afterwards is unclear. He was soon feeling his
way round the back of the tank, stumbling over the piles of crushed and
splintered pines. One account from one member of the shocked and shaken crew
said that he fell between two of the trunks. The Troop Leader was still
reversing at this time and in the partial dimness could not see what was
behind, particularly the frenzied attempts to attract the crew to Norman's
plight, with the result that this tank reversed over Norman.
It seems that the fallen trees took most of
the weight with Norman wedged between them. Even so, he suffered pelvic
fractures and other severe abdominal injuries as well as bone breakages. After
this severe shock and exposure he got pneumonia. This account is largely borne
out by Norman's own recollections which were aural rather than visual. We can
at least be grateful that during all this, the Troop Leader's tank does not
seem to have made any major change of direction. This most horrendous event is
one that few of us were ever called upon to endure".
CHAPTER
11: WIND DOWN
The
Broad Picture 23 March to 5 May 1945
On the night of the 23rd March 1945 the 2nd
British Army and the 9th US Army forced the crossing of the Rhine on the
northern sector of the Allied line. Lodgements had already been made by the
Americans at Remagen and Mainz, but the northern attack was the one that was to
constitute a major threat to the Ruhr and the Germans' ability to continue the
conflict.
The crossing was most successful, and the
CIGS, Lord Alanbrooke, who was at Monty's HQ that night, said on 24 March:
"Looking at the day as a whole and the successes of the American forces in
recent weeks south of the Moselle I am quite certain that the end of the
Germans is very near. In a few days we will be in a position to let Monty's
eight armoured divisions operate boldly through North Germany, maintained if
necessary by air supply".
In fact it was not necessary to use air
supply, and the troops of 21 Army Group pressed forward at great speed, and on
5 May 1945 the German Armies in the north surrendered.
9 RTR was held with the rest of 34 Armoured
Brigade as a reserve striking force that could be used if opposition stiffened.
In fact it didn't, and we remained on the western side of the Rhine until 6
April. This final chapter gives the history of the 9th over the months April to
June 1945, a few personal recollections, an account of the celebrations on VE
Day, and says farewell.
11.2 The Anti-climax across the Rhine
The War Diary, 13 March - 30 June 1945
On
arriving at Deurne, the Regiment immediately began over-hauling the tanks –
changing engines, tracks, sprockets and doing less strenuous maintenance, while
the Battalion Technical Adjutant (BTA) sorted out the more war-weary tanks and
began to back-load those that had travelled well over a thousand miles. These
battered old warriors disappeared and replacements arrived to refit the
Regiment for what was believed to be its last battles across the Rhine. On
March 14, General Sir Miles Dempsey, KCB, DSO, visited the Regiment and on
leaving was heard to say that he had been most favourably impressed by what he
had seen. The same day, the Brigadier passed more bouquets declaring that
during the period which the Regiment had served under 30 Corps, the Corps and
Divisional Commanders had nothing but praise to offer for the Regiment's
efficiency and fighting spirit. Major R.E. Holden was awarded the DSO for his
outstanding ability as a Squadron Leader and the morale of the Regiment began
to mount to such an extent that it accepted without protest the demands of
"Bullshit".
It
also undertook with enthusiasm the working out of a new method of night attack
that would exploit to the full the element of surprise. Faced with a clearly
defined objective, unprotected by natural or artificial tank obstacles, it was
proposed to allow the tanks to cross the start line and move in second gear as
slowly as possible to within 300 yards of the objective – the noise of the
approach being covered by Bofors firing on fixed lines and an aeroplane flying
overhead. With the tanks in position, maximum fire power would be brought down
on the objective (target selection being aided by spotlights) for about five
minutes and then the infantry would attack. Carefully planned and with complete
co-operation, success seemed assured, provided the attack was so timed that no
enemy counter-attack was possible before first light. All demonstrations were
impressive and it was hoped that the time would come when the theory would be
tested under battle conditions, but the part that the Brigade would play in the
future operations remained a mystery until the C.O. and Squadron Leaders were
ordered to contact the 9th Infantry Brigade of the 3rd (British) Division. This
was the only Infantry Division that the Regiment had not at one time or another
supported – it was a pleasing prospect as they were known to have a good
reputation.
The
role however, proved disappointing for it depended on whether the Germans would
be able to contain the assault forces in a small bridgehead over the Rhine and
thus prevent an early break-out. Intelligence thought this unlikely and the
Generals seemed to agree for, whilst the Regiment languished at Deurne in the
sun, the assault started. One watched the gliders and aircraft passing overhead
with certain impatience and frustration.
The
news was good; ground was gained; the expected defence line didn't hold and
daily it became obvious that the Regiment would not be needed. Finally, on
April 1st, a move was made to Sevenum, preparatory to crossing the Rhine, but
now everyone was bored and impatient and a little irritated by the publicity
given to other formations.
The
Brigade now came under the control of 1st British Corps and on 6 April the
Regiment crossed the Rhine to take over military control of Gelderland and a
small area of Germany surrounding Bocholt. Here the Regiment was given the
unattractive job of acquiring information about German war materials left
behind in their retreat; of recceing routes and ensuring that no subversive
activities were carried out by the populace. Each Squadron was given an area to
clear up and the Regiment was dispersed with RHQ at Aalten, A Squadron at
Groenlo, B Squadron at Lichtenvoorde, and C Squadron at Winterswijk.
Recce
parties reported the states of road, blown bridges and minefields, while
salvage parties collected into dumps the miscellaneous ammunition lying about
the area. Nothing really interesting was found and everyone was glad to hand
over the area to the 3rd Heavy Regiment RA of 9 AGRA.
On
14 April, the whole Brigade moved into Germany and 9 RTR became responsible for
part of Kreis Bentheim and Ahaus with the same responsibilities of battlefield
clearance, route reconnaissance and security.
RHQ
established itself in the fifty-year old castle at Bentheim, with A Squadron at
Emsburen, B Squadron at Gronau, and C Squadron at Schuttorf.
As
the days passed the Squadron ammunition dumps became larger and the maps
heavily marked with chinagraph; patrols roamed the area in an attempt to
control the numerous Displaced Persons who had now become the vagabonds of
Germany, eating, sleeping and taking revenge as they wished. In an effort to
control this gypsy life, the Ems River was made a stop line where all Displaced
Persons attempting to cross were diverted to proper reception camps and
preparations were made to seal off Germany by closing the Dutch/German
frontier.
B
Squadron were made responsible for the twenty-five miles of frontier in the
Regiment area and work was begun on marking the frontier and carrying out
reccies preparatory to setting up an evacuated frontier zone. Meanwhile, by
house searches and enquiries, the area was cleared of all firearms and German
deserters. Houses were searched for food hoarding, wireless transmitters and
Nazi documents, and the list of Nazi officials who were to be arrested, grew
longer. All ideas of fighting another battle had been abandoned but those of
the past were recalled when the Brigadier decorated the Colonel with the DSO
and confirmation of other awards was received as follows:-
Military Cross to Lieut. W.J. Waters
(A Squadron)
Croix de Guerre with Silver Star to
Lieut. A. P. Boden (C Squadron)
Military Medal to L/Cpl A.J. Towlson
(C Squadron)
Croix de Guerre with Bronze Star to
Cpl. F.D. Horner (C Squadron)
On
28 April, as their area was now clear, it was decided to move A Squadron to
Lingen where they were to help control the Displaced Persons camp which was now
responsible for some thousands of Russians and other nationalities. But before
leaving, an ammunition clearance party of RASC and Pioneers exploded an
"R" mine which resulted in the whole dump at Emsburen blowing up. As
a result, vehicles were destroyed and houses collapsed, and though the clearing
party suffered casualties, no member of A Squadron was injured.
By
8 May, despite the difficulty of liaison with Forward Security and Military
Gov, the frontier zone had been evacuated and marked with warning notices,
roads had been closed and frontier control posts established at three points
(i) on the Oldenzaal/Bentheim Road; (ii) Enschede/Gronau Road and (iii)
Enschede/Ahaus Road. B Squadron were now the busiest of all Squadrons, coping
with hundreds of Dutch returning to Holland and preventing the use of
unauthorised vehicles. The impounded vehicle park harboured all types of
civilian cars and many unfortunate people were faced with a long hitch-hike
back to their units. On 18 May, C Squadron took over the northern part of the
frontier and, in consequence, moved to Bentheim where, since the Regiment's
arrival, numbers of the population had sought out RHQ in order to tell of their
troubles and the "I" office added to its list of miscellaneous jobs
that of a Civil Affairs Department.
With
the war in north-west Europe now over and the celebrations of 'VE' Day but a
memory, news of the Regiment's future began to be disclosed. The Regiment was
to become an Armoured Regiment of Occupation, with the establishment of a few
soft vehicles and other odds and ends.
All
but six Churchills and six Stuarts were handed over to 267 Forward Delivery
Squadron for disposal, and on 30 May the Regiment moved, being given Kreis
Tecklenburg as the area of responsibility.
RHQ
established itself at Ibbenburen, A Squadron at Westerkeppeln, B Squadron at
Mettingen, C Squadron at Lengerich.
There
the Regiment, occupied by guarding a few V.P's, mainly hospitals, awaited the
arrival of the 4 RTR who were to be made up to strength by an exchange of Age
and Service Groups and then train with Churchills preparatory to embarkation
for S.E.A.C. The 9 RTR were to be partly responsible for the training, but
before the end of June the Regiment would not be recognizable as the one that
had fought for ten months in north-west Europe.
Personal
recollections
John Hodges' diary contains only three
entries for this period.
1st April 1945
This, being Easter Sunday, involved a move!
Thus we travel back towards the Maas and finish up in a small village called
Sevenum just north east of Venlo. The move was good and all vehicles arrived in
together. We have two schools, both very dirty – no water, light and little
sanitation. It seems as if we shall be here for some little time as most of our
transport has been taken away. A light Squadron under Major Holden has been
formed consisting of Honey tanks, scout cars and half tracks – they may get
some fun and games later. We are all very fed up at being left out of
this latest party.
7th April 1945
Another move, this time over River Maas at
Venlo – the Rhine at Rees and on to Aalten – a small town in Holland on the
German border. The Boche left a week ago – so we spend time taking in vehicles
and equipment that they have left behind.
14th April 1945
Another move this time to Bentheim where
the Schloss takes in all headquarters. Another larger area to look after – this
time Germany. The castle is a lovely old place with lots of antique furniture –
hardly the place for troops!
The Germans seem fairly subdued on the
whole – though it's not a pleasant atmosphere. Only one incident so far of a
woman calling out 'swine' as we pass!
Trevor Greenwood went on leave during the
Reichswald battle and came back to see the final days of the Wesel pocket.
"Tuesday 13.3.45
Luckily, it was fine and not very cold last
night, otherwise the bivvies would have provided little comfort. We slept in a
minefield which had not been cleared – but the mines were presumably of the
anti-tank variety: we had no trouble from them.
Reveille 5.30am – and moved on to
transporters at 7.0a.m. And that was the beginning of one of the most boring of
all our rides. We actually travelled about 80 miles by road, but finished up at
Deurne – not more than 25 miles as the crow files from our start point. The
long detour, via Belgium, Eindhoven and Helmond was necessitated on account of
the weight of the transporters – we had to have a Class 70 route.
After the usual halts for punctures and
minor repairs, we reached Deurne about 4.30 in the afternoon and ultimately
harboured and found our billets. Most of us have civvy billets – a rare treat
after the rough conditions of the last two weeks. During today's transport
journey, I saw "Monty" for the first time. First a jeep came whizzing
by, containing four MP's – three of them standing up and waving to other
traffic to clear the road. An electric siren and flashing light assisted them.
And then came the low fast car with four brass hats, including Monty, sitting
by the driver. He waved cheerily to the troops around. Late this afternoon,
General Dempsey visited the colonel and carried out a brief inspection.
Wednesday 14.3.45
We anticipate some hard work today, but
Captain Link (acting O/C) gave us a lecture on first parade and announced a
rest day to get settled in! He also passed on some complimentary criticisms of
the unit by General Dempsey and the Brigadier.
Passion trucks this evening to Asten and
Helmond, also cinema shows in Deurne. Saw a large force of Lancasters this
afternoon and afterwards heard on radio that they dropped our new 22000lb bombs
on Germany for the first time. Some bomb!
Thursday 15.3.45
Best B.D. parade this a.m. for clothing
exchange – preparatory to a round of "bullshit" parades and
inspections, presumably. This parade was followed by a battalion parade for an
address by the colonel. He repeated some of the compliments mentioned by
Captain Link – viz. 53 Division had had to be relieved before completing their
offensive towards Wesel. We had been detached from them a few days previously.
One of the Divisional officers stated that they would easily have reached the
Rhine in three days had the 9th Battalion RTR been with them!
Other compliments about the Brigade came
also from General Dempsey and General Horrocks, and the former spoke of the 9th
as a fine regiment on his visit yesterday. But the most interesting part of
today's little ceremony was the colonel's announcement that the King has
confirmed the award of the DSO to Major Holden – a high honour for the unit,
but particularly for C Squadron. The colonel pinned the medal on Ronnie's
breast alongside his earlier M.C. If any man has earned it, he has".
Lt-Col Berry Veale has two recollections of
this period. The first is of a problem with a victory salute, the second of
snapping up a good opportunity.
Castle
Bentheim
Does anyone remember VE Day at Castle
Bentheim? We had arrived at Castle Bentheim, just across the Dutch border near
Enschede on or about May 5th 1945.
The castle, a magnificent medieval pile was
indeed a lavish home with all its trappings. Built on a hogs back ridge
overlooking a flat farm vista.
Regimental HQ was allocated the castle (why
not) and the Squadrons were spread out on a 15 mile radius from HQ.
We knew that May 8 would be V.E. day and it
was not possible for us to be involved in further war with the Germans.
In fact we were informed that our daily
rations would be drastically reduced so that all available food could be
diverted to northern Holland.
We were encouraged to go hunting for game
birds, deer, mouflon and wild pigs to supplement our diet.
We were also instructed to engage some
local person – bi-lingual English/German as an interpreter and liaison with
local authorities.
We found a Feldwebel (Sergeant) who must
have been educated in the Hitler Youth. I'll call him Heinz.
So what about V.E. Day?
I said in Part I orders on May 7th 1945
that the 9th RTR would celebrate V.E. Day with all due pomp and ceremony; to
this end I said we'd fire a 21 gun salute from the Hogs Back Ridge at 1100
hours May 8th.
Upon talking it over with the Intelligence
Officer who was in charge of the HQ tanks, I said that each tank crew should
set to work dismantling 21 rounds of ammunition, discarding the shot and
stuffing paper into the casing, then stacking them in the turrets ready to
fire.
All 4 tanks should be lined up on the ridge
ready to fire the salute at 1100 hours the following day.
The interpreter Heinz was ordered to see
that the available populace of Bentheim would turn out to witness this historic
occasion.
"Jawohl" he said.
Next day at 1050 hours May 8 1945 – 4 HQ tanks were lined up on the ridge –
including Ironside, guns elevated 15º and pointed north ready to fire.
50-75 local elderly Germans were scattered
around, pushed and shouted at by Heinz.
The C.O. arrived, climbed into his tank,
put on his earphones and established that "All Stations" are on
"Net".
He checks his watch and starts the
countdown.
3 – 2 – 1 – Zero – Fire!
Bang! Bang! Pl??? – Plop.
C.O. begins the countdown again.
3 – 2 – 1 – Zero – Fire!
Bang! Pl??? Pl??? – Zero
C.O. looks a bit puzzled but begins the
countdown again.
3 – 2 – 1 – Zero – Fire!
Bang --------Silence -------
C.O. notes crews of 3 HQ tanks are
dismounting and one is belching smoke. He starts to count again
3
but then he feels strong arms grasp him
round the ankles and eject him from the cupola. The rest of the crew tumble out
of the tank coughing and gagging and then smoke starts pouring out of the
hatch.
The C.O. who hadn't swallowed any smoke
grasped the situation and turned to Heinz, ordered him to rally the spectators
to climb up and shut all the tank hatches, then pile dirt on to restrict air
flow thus douse the fires.
The spectators ran to help, some fetched
shovels, buckets for water and with tremendous enthusiasm doused all the fires.
The C.O. then instructed Heinz to have all
four tanks interiors stripped of wiring and any damaged equipment. Repainted
and refitted with new wiring and equipment under the guidance of our QM and
REME Officer.
The orders were carried out seriously,
diligently and without complaint. The RQMS was able to replace all damaged
parts and the incident closed without any further ado.
Later we learned that genuine
"Blank" ammunition is loaded with Black Powder which goes
"BANG" even when not restricted.
Gun ammunition however, has cordite as the
propellent. Cordite looks like spaghetti and burns, rather than explodes, when
not restricted. Hence after calling "Fire" by the C.O., the cordite
starts to burn and is still burning when the gun breech is opened. The burning
cordite sticks spill out of the gun and on top of the stacked rounds waiting to
be loaded; then "away we go".
– 21 gun salute it was not –
Oddly enough it seemed to us that the
spectating Germans were as distraught by the sight of 4 British tanks burning,
as we were and very anxious to put things right with all possible speed.
I wonder if the Burgermeister of Bentheim
recorded this incident in his municipal minutes? Good enough for Gilbert and
Sullivan, wouldn't you say?
Flying
with Fido
The war with Germany was over and we were
more or less in limbo, moving around running a German demob camp but mostly
waiting to find out if we were going to be sent to the Far East or to England
for the Golden Handshake.
On one of my "Recce's" I came
across an airstrip, very active it was with a stream of all kinds of American
and British fighters and light bombers landing and others taking off.
Intrigued, I turned my Jeep in through the
gate and up to what looked like a Nissen hut. Inside were two or three desks
with radios and a couple of operators and a counter behind which was a tall
American with Sergeant's stripes and a long cigar. He wore the inevitable
leather bomber jacket festooned with all kinds of badges and ribbons. There was
also a patch on which was the one word COX. As I came over to the counter he
said "You're a Lootenant Colonel ain't you – Sir. See I've studied you
limey officers ranking marking and there's not many I don't know" then he
said "I'm Flight Sergeant Cox – Sir. What can I do for you?" From
Flight Sergeant Cox I learned that this was a temporary stop for all sorts of
aircraft refuelling, before taking off for home stations in England and
Scotland. "Is that your home –
England, I mean" Cox said "d'you like a short quiet weekend at home
eh? Where you from?" I said a weekend at home would be very acceptable and
that my current home was in North London. "North London" he mused
"Is Northolt North London?" I said it was and only about a 10 minute
taxi drive from my house. "Great" he said. "If you get your ass
back here next Friday, I might be able to find you transportation to
Northolt."
Well that was an offer I couldn't refuse.
So Friday 0900 I was back with my haversack and toothbrush. Who needs anything
else on a weekend? I waited and saw many pilots come in, sign for his
refuelling and leave. I began to have some doubts but then, in came a pilot in
a battered blue RAF cap and the other standard equipment, flight boots and
bomber jacket. No insignia. He signed for his refill and turned to go when Cox
said "Say Joe, ain't that crate you're flying a Mitchell?" Joe said
yes it was. Then Cox said "Your flight sheet says you're terminating at
Northolt. You'd have room there for my friend the Colonel here. Wouldn't
you?" "Sure" Joe said, then turned to me and said "You
wouldn't mind travelling in the bomb bay would you?" I said I wouldn't
mind so long as he didn't ditch me into the channel.
The bomb bay was designed to house 500lb
bombs so lying prone on some odd kit and greatcoats , it was quite comfortable.
Time to wonder at the gear stacked in that
confined space, drink my coffee and eat a chocolate bar from the NAAFI and
pretty soon we were over Deal and then I noted some anxiety from Joe in his
chit-chat over the radio.
Then he turned and called down to me
"Sorry chum – Northolt is socked in so we can't get down there. Traffic is
trying to find us an open window".
A bit later he called down again
"We're going into Blackdown they have FIDO there". I wondered what
wonder dog was this that could assist an aircraft land in fog?
Joe again "This landing is going to be
rough because they can only turn FIDO on for 2½ minutes and we've got to rush
in there before the fog closes in again. Hang on". I could feel the
Mitchell making steep banks, then the engines cut and with a hard solid bump we
were down.
Further instructions from Joe "We'll
taxi to the end of the runway and stop. We'll then open the bomb doors and you
must get out quickly and clear the aircraft. Turn right and walk or run to the
boundary of the field. The A30 is the main road right there and you'll have no
difficulty hitching a ride to London. Good luck and go to Croydon for your
return trip".
We continued taxiing and then I felt the
brakes being applied and then the hiss of the bomb doors opening. Some wispy
fog streaming in – I shouted "Thanks" and let go and dropped about
four feet on to the runway, got up turned right and made off into the fog.
After 20 paces I could no longer see the Mitchell but did catch the lights of
the tow truck which would take the Mitchell back to its report centre.
I reached the perimeter fence without
problem and there sure enough was the A30 – I knew which way to go but made
sure by asking the first lorry which was crawling along. This was an RASC 3-ton
and its driver a corporal was glad to have some company.
We reached London in about 2 hours where I
got out and hopped into the Underground, made a phone call and arrived at my
house at about supper time. I had time to wonder about FIDO but still don't
know what the letters stand for – Fog Dispersing something something.
Essentially air flares set round the perimeter of our Air Field. Light them all
together and it burns off the fog – very expensive but did save a lot of lives
and aircraft.
What's that you say? What happened then?
Well if you must know, on Sunday the fog had dispersed and I got a regular
flight back to Brussels; from there I hitch hiked my way back to Germany. No
sweat.