CHAPTER 3: THE SCOTTISH CORRIDOR

3.1 Epsom: Forming Up

Strategic Situation

The great storm described in the previous chapter delayed the arrival of several follow-up formations, but did not change Montgomery's Normandy strategy. This strategy's main points were:

* to hold the left shoulder of the bridgehead in the area of Caen

* to be continually aggressive on this front, and thus draw German reinforcements,

especially tank formations, on to the British Army

* by doing so to weaken the German opposition against the Americans in the west

of the bridgehead, and thus make it easier for the Americans to rupture the

bridgehead and break out south, east and west.

* to expand the left shoulder of the bridgehead, with the particular objective of

encircling Caen.

Montgomery's first attempt to encircle Caen was by a pincer attack which took place between 9 and 18 June. The left hook of this attack was made by 51 Highland Division and 4 Armoured Brigade. They were to start from the Airborne bridgehead on the far east of the line, and their objective was Cagny. The more powerful right hook was to be delivered by 30 Corps with 7 Armoured Division leading. This attack was to start at Bayeux and end at Villers Bocage and Evrecy. The ring was to be sealed by dropping British 1 Airborne Division between Cagny and Evrecy. Between the left and right hooks the Canadians were to advance in the centre.

As the allies advanced, however, reinforcements continued to arrive to help the Germans already stoutly defending their positions. One particularly potent reinforcement was the 101st SS Heavy Tank Battalion, one Tiger I tank of which, commanded by Obersturmführer Michel Wittmann, was reported to have accounted for 25 British armoured vehicles of the 7th Armoured Division at the outskirts of Villers Bocage on 13 June. The allied front on the eastern side of the bridgehead had been advanced, but there was still a long way to go and much fighting before Caen was to be encircled.

On 18 June twenty allied divisions were ashore facing eighteen mainly understrength German divisions. Montgomery believed that he could crack the enemy line and this time successfully encircle Caen, using the troops of 8 Corps who were just beginning to land on the beaches. The attack, this time with the right hook rather nearer to Caen, was to begin on 22 June. The storm of 18 to 22 June postponed the attack, in fact by three days, but the battle plan remained the same.

Three Corps were to take part: on the British right the 49th West Riding Division of 30 Corps was to seize the vital ridges of Fontenay and Rauray on 25 June; in the centre 8 Corps was to thrust for crossings of the Odon and the Orne on 26 June; further to the left the Canadians of 1 Corps were to move up to Carpiquet airfield, and 51 Highland Division was to break out of the Airborne bridgehead to come round Caen from the other side.

The plan for 8 Corps was for 15 Scottish Division to lead, supported by 31 Tank Brigade (including 9 RTR) and 4 Armoured Brigade; mopping up behind them was to be the task of 43 Wessex Division, and 11 Armoured Division was to advance also, ready to break out from the Odon bridgehead and quickly wheel left round the southern outskirts of Caen.

Role and Command of a heavy tank battalion

Before commencing our first action it is useful to understand what we were supposed to be doing. Heavy tank battalions such as 9RTR were grouped into Army Tank Brigades, generally consisting of three battalions. The 9th were in 31 Tank Brigade from early 1941 until the end of August 1944, and in 34 Tank Brigade for the remainder of the war. On 2 February 1945 Tank Brigades were redesignated Armoured Brigades, so the 9th was in 34 Armoured Brigade from 2 February 1945 to 1 July 1945.

The role of Tank or Armoured Brigades was to support infantry in attack or defence. The tank formations were assigned to one of the Army Corps, which in the British and Canadian sector in Normandy were II Canadian and I, VIII, XII and XXX British (Army Corps were generally identified by roman numbers).

The Corps Commander, as Berry Veale explains shortly, could allocate the tank brigade or its constituent battalions to infantry formations in the Corps. During the campaign in North West Europe the 9th supported the following infantry divisions; the list also shows the abbreviation for each division.

• The 15th (Scottish) Division 15S

• 43rd (Wessex) Division 43(W)

• 49th (West Riding) Division, also known as the Butcher Bears 49 (WR)

• 51st (Highland) Division 51 (H)

• 52nd (Lowland) Division 52 (L)

• 53rd (Welsh) Division 53 (W)

• 59th (Staffordshire) Division 59 (S)

• 3rd Canadian Infantry Division 3 CAN

To most people in the tanks or echelons supporting these different divisions meant merely that there was a different set of signs to follow and a different set of infantry to work with. But what did it mean at Battalion HQ? Lt-Col Peter Norman (Berry) Veale had been CO of the 9th since mid-July. He was a very experienced tank soldier, having fought with 8 RTR in North Africa where he won the MC. He describes the things that had to be done every time the Tank Brigade or the 9th was ordered to support a different infantry formation.




"So what does the CO do anyway?

The wars and battles that we are all familiar with as far back as recorded history; two opposing armed groups met in battle. One would defend and the other attack. The stronger or better equipped or better trained would prevail and win the battle grabbing all the loot, women and land and they would kill or enslave the losers.

Up till WWI it was still like that but on a bigger scale:- and then at the end of 1916 the Tank was introduced into the equation and the concept changed.

The defenders dug themselves into trenches or pill boxes and the attackers developed mobile pill boxes or Tanks. Then the defenders added tanks or mobile pill boxes with machine guns and big guns and once again the more skilful or better equipped side won the day.

That's how it was in WWII and the 9th RTR was formed and trained to work closely with the infantry. They were one of the many subsidiary units added to the army to assist the infantry in achieving their objective and making sure they did not get pushed off.

So how do we get down to the CO 9th RTR? Like this:-

Let's assume plan is made and segments of that plan dished out to the various elements of the attacking force. Our Army Corps, for example, is allocated a specific task with an objective and timing so as to co-ordinate its operation with that of other formations. An Army Corps divides its objective into parts and deals out these parts to Infantry Divisions under its command.

Corps may judge that one of its Divisions could use some tank assistance so it calls an Infantry Tank Brigade, one of its "special" units under command, and orders it to send one of its I Tank Regiments over to that Infantry Division and place it under command of that Divisional General.

Now we are getting somewhere:-

Brigadier Tank Brigade calls up Infantry Div. General to tell him that 9th RTR will be under his command for this battle and CO 9th RTR will be reporting to his HQ shortly for orders. Brigadier Tank Brigade orders CO 9th RTR to report to the General of the Infantry Division under whose command he will be for this battle.

CO 9th RTR calls in his 2 i/c and Adjutant and tells them of the orders he has received and for them to set the wheels in motion. Previous training will guide the Adjutant to set in motion all kinds of Administrative and Quartermaster (A & Q) tasks. The 2 i/c will alert Squadron Commanders and get the Intelligence Officer to obtain maps and all relevant information for use in passing on any orders and likely moves which might result.

At this first meeting between Infantry General and CO the main point is basically an introduction, allowing the General to know who he has had added to his command and how best to use him. His Chief of Staff would also want information on who his tank contact is going to be (Adjutant), where the tanks are located and how to get its A & Q requirements integrated.

The General will outline his orders from corps and make some preliminary plans. The CO will ask Chief of Staff for all information available regarding maps and intelligence regarding own and enemy troops. These are all preliminary moves culminating in a closely knit group of men and machines carrying out an attack with an objective in view.

The CO's job is to advise, encourage and assist in the preparations and to stand by for passing on all incoming information of the battle during its progress. If he has control of any tank unit in reserve, he may order its engagement to reinforce or otherwise maintain the impetus of the operation.

The operation may be complete on attainment of the objective or the passing through of exploiting formations. The attachment of the tanks in support of the infantry, is not released until the Division Command orders it. He may then return 9th RTR to command of the Tank Brigade. Brigadier Tank Brigade will issue orders to CO 9th RTR to rendezvous at some map reference which could be from whence they started.

At this time the CO will be concerned with collecting reports of the action from Squadron Commanders and Intelligence Officer, recording casualties of men and tanks, requisitioning replacements, checking on recovery of breakdowns etc. These tasks are among those that a well-trained unit will carry out as routine but it must be urged on with all due diligence. Training of replacement crews and checking out of new tanks and equipment is put in hand with all due haste so that the CO can report the 9th RTR as back up to strength and ready for further orders.

Nothing to it really!"

The War Diary

Any battalion on active service or in action was supposed to keep a record of where it went, what it did, what casualties were suffered, and what changes there were in positions of responsibility. The person maintaining the diary was in many units, and certainly in the case of 9RTR, the Battalion Intelligence Officer (IO).

On active service, i.e. in training, on exercises, etc., it was reasonably easy to write the war diary. In action, however, the IO was in one of the Battalion HQ tanks, and was subjected to the hazards of battle and the jolting rides of cross-country movement. It was thus much more difficult to keep a detailed record at the time when the significant history of the battalion was happening.

The war diary contained as much as possible of the following information:

• transfers from one formation to another, and the physical movement needed for those transfers

• plans for action, showing other units taking part

• records of what happened in action, including taking or failing to take objectives, enemy opposition, casualties to men and tanks

• changes in command at significant levels

• occasional observations of a personal, humorous, or anecdotal nature

The IO for the first few months of the campaign was Lieut. Frank Haydon. He was promoted to Captain and command of the Recce Troop in September 1944 and Lieut. Laurie Le Brun, previously 13 Troop Leader, was appointed I.O.

9 RTR's part in the initial plan: extract from the War Diary

On the night of 24 June the battalion did a road march to the area Secqueville en Bessin, and there spent the day resting and preparing for battle. The following night the battalion left for the FUP (Forming-up point), which was the line of the railway just south of Bretteville L'Orgueilleuse. The battalion arrived there at 0200 hours.

Using the Caen-Bayeux railway as a start line, the intention was to attack with two infantry brigades up supported by a tank brigade. When a hole had been made in the enemy defences elements of an armoured division would pass through to establish a break-out from the original bridgehead.

9 RTR were under command 15 Scottish Division:

The general plan was as follows:

Phase 1: Right: 7 RTR (less one squadron) in support of 46 Infantry Brigade to cut the

Tilly-Caen road and secure the high ground Haut du Bosq

Left: 9 RTR (less C Squadron) to attack St. Manvieu and La Gaule.

Phase 2: With the left flank secured by 15 Reconnaissance Regiment:

* C Squadron supporting 1 Battalion the Gordon Highlanders (Gordons) to capture Colleville and Mondrainville, and if possible secure a bridgehead over the River Odon south of Mondrainville;

* One squadron 7 RTR with one battalion 227 Brigade to capture Grainville-sur-Odon

* Elements of 11 Armoured Division to pass through, seize bridges over the River Odon, and then occupy high ground point 112 and point 113.

RAF support and artillery barrage of about 600 field and heavy guns were to precede the attack.

Moving up to the start line

The Battalion moved from the beaches, wherever they landed, and concentrated in the area of St. Gabriel. One of the first to land and move inland was Jack Hilton in the Battalion office truck. "We landed and took out our gear. We as part of HQ had to follow a certain coloured tape which landed us in an assembly field. There were other coloured tapes for other parts of the unit. We were soon reminded it was war and we were in it. In this field a German had been buried - his rifle stuck in the ground and his helmet on top; but they had left one of his arms sticking out vertically and his fingers were peeling back like banana skins. This was my first experience of death - there were many more. Our colonel and many of the Churchills were unable to land for about a week because of the wild gale blowing".

Jock Cordiner's experience with the route from the beach was rather more of a confrontation: "Coming ashore in our Humber scout car Brad and I had the dubious honour of leading a column along the road going inland. Our instructions were very clear - to turn right at the first crossroads and after a certain distance go into a tree-lined field on the left. Approaching the crossroads a sergeant military policeman waved us straight on. I indicated right (Brad was driving). As we drew alongside there was a furious argument between the MP and me, but we stuck to our plans. We were later told that the MP was a German, though I can't vouch for the truth of that".

George Hendrie was the troopleader of 1 Troop in A Squadron, and Jim Hutton was his driver. Jim recalls "We came off the beach, we blew our waterproof sealing and off we went and I think we laagered up at a place called St. Gabriel". But evidently not everyone blew off the sealing: Dickie Hall: "After all our hard work sealing up the tanks we went off into six inches of water, and set off inland along newly bulldozed roads, or rather "tracks", through the countryside. It was hot and dusty and we longed to be able to stop and brew up. We stopped and unshipped all the ironwork, which had proved unnecessary. We were not allowed to explode the charges to blow off the fabric covers, which was understandable, because the whole squadron doing this would create a panic in those who had had quite enough for their nerves already.

I do not remember doing much in that field in the day or two we spent there. We consumed the contents of our plastic boxes and my sister's cake. Round about our area were many vehicles, ours and theirs, which had been knocked out and were burnt. Some of the Sherman tanks had nasty holes in the turrets and hulls, and we wondered how our Churchills would stand up to 88's. We would not have long to wait".

Tom Tomney was the troop sergeant of 13 Troop, commanded by Bruno Le Brun. Tom's driver was Cyril Rees, who remembers the journey to the forming up point: "The journey to our forming up area was fairly uneventful. We followed tracks already made through fields and standing crops, the many vehicles churning up the dry earth, for the weather was quite sunny. We had lost our front mudguard, and with my visor open it was necessary to wear goggles to cope with the minor dust storm we created. I think if I had had my pulse checked, it would probably have read a bit higher than normal at this time. I did not feel scared, just a bit apprehensive, wondering what was ahead. (After all, the countryside was much like you could have found in Sussex and Kent with fields, hedges, and similar crops, and the noble but ragged elms here and there. The one noticeable difference was the occasional wrecked or burnt vehicle, and the sad spectacle of dead and dying cattle).

When we arrived at the forming up area there were already many vehicles of various sorts, trucks and carriers of the infantry, the Artillery and their guns and limbers and of course some Churchills. I picked my way to our allotted position guided by Tom Tomney, then halted when ordered. Then started the last minute check. Hoppy was already checking the net and other radio tasks and Ginger was checking all the armament. I topped up with about 20 gallons of petrol. A quick oil check revealed all in order.

I was glad to find no trace of a leak round the union to the hydraulic receiver; in the past many of us found that vibration caused the joint to weep and consequently making throttle controls unresponsive when you pressed the pedal, due to air getting in the system, so there was no need to bleed the hydraulics, thank goodness. I decided to put another shim in the offside track so we all mucked in and tightened it a bit. After we had done all this we had a chance to look around, to see what was happening and to chat to the other crews. From the viewpoint standing on the engine hatches I saw an AEC Matador explode in spectacular fashion, flames leaping high into the air. This happened about 300 yards to our front, the whole thing burned furiously for about 20 minutes and was totally destroyed. A petrol wagon perhaps, but no idea of the real cause.

A high-pitched shriek of a tank in low gear and struggling hard gradually got nearer, and eventually a Sherman came into view. It took a few more minutes before the source of all this noise became apparent. What this gasping Sherman had towed into view was enough to make me feel very uneasy indeed. When the whole works stopped about 30 feet away I, and most of us in the troop, had a close-up view of our first Tiger.

It was to me an awesome sight. The great gun sticking out from the massive turret, the interlocked road wheels, and the wide tracks. To compare our puny 6-pounder with this giant's 88 was a salutary experience. How the hell, I thought, can we possibly compete with these monsters? They seemed to be superior in all the most important departments. But before having time to ponder these matters we were ordered to mount"

Les Arnold was the gunner in one of the two tanks at BHQ that were designated observation post (OP) tanks. In action they would be attached to a sabre squadron and commanded by a Royal Artillery officer acting as a Forward Observation Officer(FOO). Les recalls that the CO of 9 RTR, Sir Nugent (Paddy) Everard acted as his tank commander during the crossing from Gosport to Juno beach. "Eventually we came ashore at La Vallette which was a Canadian landing area on D-Day. The CO was still acting as our tank commander and we proceeded inland following the 31 Brigade green diabolo sign.

Ultimately we laagered in a meadow close to some orchards between Banville and Reviers. We were allowed some free time in the evenings and Jock Caldwell who had joined the regiment came to look me up and we went to the local inn to sample some calvados. We stayed at Banville for some days and then on the afternoon of 25 June we were briefed on the next day's action. Infantry from 15th Scottish Division were moving up accompanied by their pipers; they could be heard for miles and cheered us up considerably. During the evening we moved down towards the start line nose to tail with very little light; I remember we passed close to a railway line and just missed diving into an anti-tank ditch. Ultimately we laagered with the rest of B Squadron near Bretteville L'Orgueilleuse. My tank now had on board a Major and wireless operator controlling a battery of 25-pounders under the direction of B Squadron Leader Bob Warren. Our Churchill had two 19 sets, one for

communication with the Squadron and the other for communication with the artillery battery".

Trevor Greenwood was in 15 Troop of C Squadron. He came across the Channel in an American LST and landed on 22 June. "Landed about 5.30 pm. And what a sight! The beach looked like a ships' graveyard, although most of the beached vessels were not really wrecks; they were merely high and dry awaiting the next tide. But there certainly was some evidence of the last fortnight's fighting. One landing craft completely overturned.....one steam tug holed and lying on her side.....etc. etc. Looking back on the bay, there was an amazing mass of shipping; and the sky was full of balloons - local ones, and on more distant beaches.

We landed dry - what a waste of waterproofing!, halted by the beach and removed most of the sealing; then drove inland to the assembly area. Much evidence of the war en route; fields still marked with Jerry skull and crossbones and "Minen!" Our lanes clearly marked and taped. Country lanes already being widened and improved. Mass of wrecked vehicles by beach. Simple graves by roadside bearing wooden crosses, steel helmets, etc. Terribly depressing sight. Army vehicles everywhere; and all troops look terribly dirty, but brown and cheerful. This entire region is just a huge army camp. God knows what all the vehicles are for; some weird looking monsters. Later drove on to concentration area; first of C to arrive. A echelon been here since Monday! Worked on tank until dark, then dug long and wide shallow trench to sleep in. Ran tank over afterwards for roof against shrapnel and anti-personnel bombs".

Three days later from Trevor's diary (25 June): "Moved to new location late last night; only about three miles nearer front, but we spent four hours en route. Awkward route, probably for security. Conferences all day; all troop leaders doing little but study maps. Our first action is now imminent and everyone is more serious. A and B doing one attack.....C another, and later in day".

We left Jim Hutton in St. Gabriel. His journey up to the start line was full of pitfalls. "Anyway we moved off, having had a meal and got ourselves sorted out we moved off and in the night they said they would put a barrage up so the enemy wouldn't hear the tanks moving. Off we went and all we went by was the convoy lights down at the bottom of the tank in front. I was driving along and the next thing I knew the light just disappeared and I carried on and didn't know whether to halt or stop. I didn't get any commands I just carried on and the next thing I knew it was going down at an angle of 45 degrees, straight down. And all of a sudden, bang, and stop. What had happened was the tank in front of me had gone down one of either the Rodney or the Renown's shell holes, which I suppose was about 30 foot deep. He went down this shell hole and flattened in the bottom and I went down at right angles on top of him. So there we were, I was at 45 degree angles on his engine covers and that's how we stopped all night cause we couldn't get out, there was no way I could reverse out, it just wouldn't have it. So we stayed like that all night and more or less slept in an upright position, standing up (chuckle). So next morning the scammels and a couple of tanks came along and pulled us out but that was a massive hole and I shall never forget that, it was quite a funny experience, but not funny at the time, like".

John Stone remembered his journey to the start line as a very long night. "We were just leaving Secqueville when we had a minor mechanical breakdown on my tank. Two choices; get on Fred Hackett's tank and let him bring mine up when it was fixed; or let Fred go in the squadron column and me bring up the tank. I decided that I would be more certain to get my tank to the start line - no disrespect to Fred. It took the fitters nearly two hours, and by that time the lingering twilight had nearly gone. We clanked along slowly and lonely, following the "route up" signs. This ground had been taken and held by Canadians. Suddenly from a ditch on the side of the road a Canadian voice "Pick". Obviously a challenging password; what to answer? "Shovel" I said. "Axe, you stupid bastard", was the tender reply. We clanked on and eventually reached the squadron laager two hours before stand-to on 26 June 1944".

Ronnie Holden, commanding C Squadron, recalls the move to the startline. "After landing, time was spent studying photomosaics, maps, and defence overprints; just enough to whet our imaginations and make sure all guns and tanks were in perfect order. We reached our forming up position which was in dead ground behind the startline. I left no one person in doubt as to our task ahead".




3.2 Epsom: Day One 26 June 1944

9 RTR War Diary

Attacking with A and B Squadrons up, the Battalion crossed the start line at 0730 hours following closely behind the artillery barrage. By 0815 hours the River Mue had been crossed. No strong opposition had yet been met, but the infantry found it difficult to clear the enemy from the high crops which provided cover for snipers; there were also snipers in the trees. At 0940 hours house clearing on the objectives (St. Manvieu and La Gaule) had begun. Armour had been reported in the area south of Cheux, but by 1125 hrs objectives were clear except for one strongpoint in St. Manvieu which was finally destroyed by Crocodiles. The infantry dug in and the tanks remained in support to assist in beating off counter-attacks which were made on a small scale south of La Gaule and east of St. Manvieu. No heavy anti-tank guns had been encountered, but one tank commander (Corporal Nobby Killick, 2 Troop, A Squadron) had been killed during the barrage and three tanks damaged. It was estimated that at least two companies of enemy infantry had been killed.

At 1515 hrs a regiment of 11 Armoured Division with reconnaissance elements passed through and established themselves on the high ground north of Cheux. The threat of an armoured counter-attack had not yet developed.

At 1915 hrs, without artillery support and the expected air attack on Grainville and Colleville, C Squadron began their advance in heavy rain. They pushed across the Tilly-Caen road and had great difficulty in getting through the sunken narrow roads of Cheux. They eventually got on to the 100 metre ring contour south of Cheux and moved forward down the slope to support the infantry (1st Battalion The Gordon Highlanders) into Colleville through the high corn. Heavy anti-tank fire, which included self-propelled 88mm's and Panthers, was encountered on the left flank (supposed to be held by 15 Reconnaissance Regiment) and to the front.

Continuous rain made it difficult to locate the targets and gradually one tank after another became a casualty. By splitting the squadron so that half engaged the enemy tanks and self propelled guns, while the remainder pushed on to help the Gordons, there were further casualties. The Gordons were in trouble with mortars and snipers at the approaches to Colleville, but eventually they got there. However, they were not in sufficient strength to hold it and were forced to withdraw under persistent mortar fire.

By last light only six tanks of C Squadron were still engaged, and under cover of darkness they moved forward in an effort to collect the remainder of the infantry still pinned to the ground; not more than a company was found. In the darkness the tanks moved back into Cheux and spent the remaining few hours of the night in the farmyard.

For his determination to achieve his objective despite heavy opposition Major R.E. (Ronnie) Holden, Squadron Leader of C Squadron, was later awarded the M.C.

Neither A or B Squadrons were relieved until dark and they laagered on their respective objectives. The casualties of C Squadron's action were not as heavy as anticipated. The Churchill proved that it could take a lot of punishment and that it was slow to burn. Complete write-offs in tanks later proved to be five. Three tank crewmen in C Squadron were killed, Corporal Jim Chapman, Trooper David Gotobed, and Trooper Roy Painter. At first light C Squadron moved to the Battalion area north of Cheux.

Personal recollections 26 June

For most people in battle there is great uncertainty as to what is happening, and there are hours of hanging around waiting, interspersed by moments of urgency, action, and terror. Normandy was a curious place for understanding and moving over the terrain. There were some large open fields covered with ripening corn standing four to five feet high. Good to advance through in some ways, but good also for snipers. Then there was the bocage, anathema to the tank in attack. The dictionary defines bocage: "the wooded countryside characteristic of northern France, with small irregular-shaped fields and many hedges and copses". Many of the boundaries between the small fields consisted of banks with hedges on top of the banks. These were hostile to tank movement for two reasons: in starting to cross the bank the tank's thin underbelly became exposed, and it had to be a slow exposure; then in going down the other side of the bank the driver had to tip the tank gently over the top so that the landing on the other side was not too bone-jarring. While the crew might appreciate being quickly into the next field, a heavy landing shook everything in the tank and gave rise to comments on the driver's parentage, skill, and probable future sexual experiences.

One person who was able to see the picture in spite of the confusion was Ronnie Holden. The War Diary has described the intelligence, cool-headedness and gallantry with which he commanded C Squadron. His own account is very modest. "The infantry we were supporting was the 1st Battalion The Gordon Highlanders commanded by Lt-Col Sinclair (later General). H Hour arrived, and I gave the order to advance. At this point all hell was let loose, enemy artillery, nebelwerfers, anti-tank guns, tanks, the lot. Now immediately to our left flank after our startline was a 100 ring contour of high ground; according to our original information this was to have been held by 15 Recce for the protection of the Gordons and ourselves. In fact it was held by German panzers Marks 3 and 4. This caused heavy casualties on the Gordons and five of our tanks were put out of action. The original advance came to a temporary halt while a running battle was fought out between the Squadron's left flank troops and these panzers. At the same time our right flank troops were dealing with heavier German tanks to our front. I fired off smoke to off-centre right in order to reform, and we were able to re-establish the front to our advantage; we were also able to pick up the wounded from the Gordons and our own tanks.

Daylight was fading fast and fuel and ammunition were getting low. The Gordons were dug in, and we found a taped path running through a minefield which allowed us to retire to laager. There we prepared a little food and had two or three hours sleep. There remained only nine operational tanks of the squadron, with many wounded crews. This was the end of our first day of battle".

Ronnie's attack took place in the late afternoon of 26 June. The morning attacks were made by A Squadron on La Gaule and B Squadron on St. Manvieu. Ray Gordon was with 2 Troop of A Squadron. "I recall a long day with hatches closed most of the time with some shots fired but no recollection of seeing enemy tanks. On return to laager in the evening we were told that our troop corporal, Nobby Killick, had been killed. What a shock for all of us to realize that the false feeling of our first action being rather like a scheme in England was a myth - now completely burst. This first contact with the enemy was for real, and we now knew that death, injury, or mutilation might well lie ahead for each one of us. Sleep did not come easily that night".

Jim Hutton also remembered Nobby Killick's death - and a few other incidents of 26 June. "Anyway, we then started to move into a bit of action and I remember Corporal Killick was our first casualty, a mortar, a German (Nebelwerfer) one of these moaning minnie mortars hit him in the turret, he was in the turret and the mortar hit him smack on the top and he was our first casualty, Corporal Killick. And we went into an action near Cheux with the 15 Scottish and we had a shot in our front idler which put us out. We were still able to move but we had to come out and the ARV came out and took the old front idler out and we were replacing the new idler. It was being lowered into position the Gerries stonked us with the moaning minnies and nearly finished us off. But we all managed to dive for cover and get out the way and we got this idler back in in double quick time, mended the track and drove back and joined the rest of the squadron.

When we were moving back up towards Cheux we heard a large bang and quite a bit of concussion inside and were all shook up like and we didn't think much more of it until we got to our destination which was to line up on a hedgerow. When we got there we had a look around outside and on the engine cover at the back was one of these German panzerfausts, with the wooden stem and the flexible fins. What had happened was this Hitler youth merchant was up the tree and he fired this panzerfaust when we had passed his tree. He hit our back bin and it peppered it just like a bloody pepperpot and all it did was stopped the panzerfaust from hitting the main armour, it just hit the bin and blew everything to bits, didn't it. But in this bin was my best BD, my best suit and it was rolled up with me trousers and me jacket and the battle dress blouse, and it was rolled up and the fragments had penetrated it in about 2 or 3 different places. When I unrolled it it was peppered like one of these Japanese, what do you call it, origami, this paper when they tear the papers up; that was my battle dress up the creek".

On this first day B Squadron had only minor casualties, one of them being the troop sergeant of 6 Troop, Jackie Gallagher. John Powell recalls how it happened. "After a couple of days or so to adjust we were thrown into our first action at first light on 26th June, by which time we had become accustomed to the routine of life on active service and to the sounds of warfare including the incredible noise of heavy shells passing overhead from our warships to batter the enemy lines. The Start Line for our troop ran through a Norman orchard. We were agreeably surprised to find that a rum ration was issued to us before action, no doubt compensation for moving-off at first light!

My first introduction to battle was almost a farce: as our tank commander, Sergeant Jackie Gallagher, guided the driver through the orchard we ran over a mine and lost a track. The sergeant was shocked but seemed unhurt except for a few marks around the face and soon organized the repairs.

It took a while to replace the damaged track section. It was heartening to see the imposing streams of infantry and armour that passed us as the battle moved on. In our haste to rejoin the squadron our navigation went awry and we went seriously astray, into or near enemy lines as I recollect. We eventually found our way back to join the others, after I had to use morse code for my first and only time ever (we were beyond radio speech contact with HQ), and settled down to the routine of the night-time laager.

Guns had to be cleaned, wireless 'net' checked, minor repairs effected and refuelling and re-arming with fresh ammo had to be carried out. The arrival of the cooks' 3-tonner with the hot food was a welcome diversion although stew and tinned peaches served in the same mess tin made for a novel cuisine".

George Rathke remembers the mine blowing a track off Jackie Gallagher's tank: "Back in England I had been on a course on anti-tank mines. Somebody remembered, and I was instructed to go forward on foot to see if there were further mines in the area we were going to pass through. I discovered, lifted, and made safe some 15 mines in the area; they were made safe by inserting split pins in the detonators. All the mines were British".

Les Arnold also remembers Jackie Gallagher's track being blown off and much else besides: "On 26 June we stood to at about 4.30 am and could hear the intense bombardment being put down by our artillery. We moved out of laager about 7.30 and immediately two B Squadron Churchills ran on to landmines - we believed they were Canadian. We left them behind, crossed the Caen-Bayeux road and moved through early morning mist and cornfields towards St. Manvieu. We were accompanied by some infantry of the 15th Scottish and apart from some small arms fire we encountered little opposition. We did fire HE and Besa to deal with Spandau fire from a small copse. The infantry captured some Hitler Youth soldiers who came swaggering in to our lines; this attitude annoyed us particularly because we had heard that some of their units had shot Canadian prisoners. We proceeded round St. Manvieu towards Cheux with two B Squadron troops and diverted through a sunken lane. It was getting busy now and we were nose to tail with bren carriers and artillery; we were also under mortar fire. We left the lane and took to the fields and continued towards Cheux. As we approached the village we received small arms fire from a barn and replied with HE. Just after midday we received orders to retire back towards St. Manvieu. As we withdrew we saw a couple of Shermans on fire a few fields away, probably part of the 11th Armoured Division. We had a brew and then later in the afternoon we moved out to support some infantry who were trying to take a strong point south of Cheux.

We did this with caution because two Churchills and a Cromwell were on fire just there, one of the Churchills with its turret blown off. We pulled back close to St. Manvieu for the night, during which an ammunition quad was hit by 88 fire and exploded. Later in the evening some 141 RAC Crocodiles set fire to woods and buildings close by which held snipers and other enemy troops. These burnt most of the night and the enemy concentrated artillery and mortar fire on them; so we stayed in the tanks or dug in under them".

Freddie Smart remembered the mines at B Squadron's startline as well: "We were just making a final brew, and the water was coming to the boil on the pressure stove. Suddenly there was a loud explosion in the squadron area. 'Mortars!' someone shouted. There was an immediate rush to get everything and everybody into the tanks. The water was spilt, the pressure stove put out, the whole thing tumbled into the tank. But no more mortars? It's not a mortar, some stupid prat ran over a mine. So we set out for the startline, even more edgy because of the mine explosion, and still thirsty!".

Reg Terrington was wireless-op to Peter Beale, commanding 8 Troop. He recalled: "We crossed the startline and after a short while we were in the middle of a substantial barrage of shells. We couldn't tell whether they were ours or theirs but either way it was most unpleasant. Peter told me afterwards I looked a bit green but I was still smiling. He looked the same!" A and B Squadrons reached their objectives without too much difficulty and with relatively few casualties. But as the War Diary has told, C Squadron had a much tougher and a much longer day. This is reflected in the memories of some of the crews.

Bob Anderson, troop sergeant of 12 Troop: "Early on 26 June my troop commander, Frank Drew, was called to squadron HQ to take over as Squadron 2 i/c. So I took his position as troop commander. We went into action for the first time at Cheux. My troop came under heavy fire from German 88's and all three tanks were knocked out by hits right through the front.

My driver, Dave Gotobed, was badly wounded. We managed to lift him free of the tank and were attending to him when the ambulance jeep arrived and took over. That was the last time we saw Dave. He died before he reached a hospital. In the confusion after we were hit my wireless operator disappeared; I don't know whether he was taken prisoner or not but we never saw him again. My corporal's tank was also knocked out but no casualties. My third tank was hit exactly the same as mine and the driver Roy Painter was severely injured and died the next day. The remainder of my crew, Vernon Lovell, John Thompson and myself spent the night in a knocked out 15 cwt truck, and we rejoined the squadron next day. I was issued with a new tank, a new driver, Roy, and a new wireless op Ronnie".

Fred Glasspool was wireless op to Corporal Bill Starkey, troop corporal of 15 Troop. Their tank was called Irlam. "Our first knowledge of the real thing was at Cheux. As green troops Irlam came out on to high ground and before we had fired a shot in anger our track was smashed and the turret wouldn't traverse. We bailed out into a cornfield and found our way back to the infantry through a hedgerow. The Recce Officer's scout car was there and we were pointed in the right direction by his driver Jack Woods. We all had a lot of admiration for the Recce Officer and his group".

The Recce Officer of C Squadron was Captain Ken Kidd, and Jack Woods explains how he came to be Ken's driver on 26 June: "The Battalion having been warned for action with the 15th Scottish Division in the forthcoming battle for the Odon River codenamed Epsom we moved forward into the Division's 25 pdr. area where we received a rollicking from the Echelon Commander for not digging in. Digging in! who did he think we were, Infantry? The Echelon was later to realise the wisdom of his words, but the M.T bods had dug a hole big enough to lose a vehicle in and they had a good card school going on, nothing was happening, they were comfortable and what the hell! Briefed on the coming battle by the Squadron Leader we learned that the Battalion was to advance through Cheux, C Squadron executing a right hook to support the Gordon Highlanders through Colleville, didn't mean much to me at the time. However, I was summoned to report with my kit to the Reconnaissance Officer, Captain Ken Kidd, who needed a driver for his scout car, his driver L/Cpl. Farmer having managed to do a hatch job on his fingers and therefore couldn't drive. Captain Kidd gave me permission to drive around a bit in the car to get used to it and the next morning together with the R.O. and Tpr. Egan, his operator, I went into battle for the first time in my life. It was a lousy day, pouring with rain, we passed some of the 7th Bn RTR Churchills being loaded back with ominous holes in their turrets just to cheer us up and spent a very wet and uncomfortable day as part of the Gordons' C.O's convoy, finally getting up to the tanks later in the day and witnessing a scene which was to remain with me for the rest of my life, C Squadron Churchills on the skyline blazing merrily and pouring out dense clouds of black smoke with their ammunition going off like a firework display while their de-horsed crews (those who were still alive) were coming back through the corn, their faces registering the shock of what had just happened to them. The infantry, having been unable to reach their objective were returning also and were regrouping on the road prior to digging in defensively. Captain Kidd asked the infantry if we could be of any use to them, but his offer was politely declined. We then rejoined the squadron to learn the story of the battle and the losses, what shook us all was the fact that we had been encouraged to believe that our Churchill tanks were practically invincible and the truth was very sobering indeed".

Irlam was the troop corporal's tank of 15 Troop, and the troop sergeant's tank Ilkley was commanded by Dickie Hall. His account starts on the evening of 25 June: "We were all told that the following day would be our first action. That evening the Padre came round and we had a few prayers; I think we all felt better for it. Next morning the whole squadron set off in line ahead and had many pauses which lasted into the afternoon. We heard on the radio that A and B Squadrons were in action - snippets of talk on the intercom and the A set; quite a few German prisoners were marched past looking very glum. Our time came late in the afternoon. We were to advance through the village of Cheux and up on to the ridge where there would be little opposition. Then we were to move on to the next ridge and try to secure a crossing of the River Odon. It started to rain and as we were approaching the ridge on the right flank we saw some tanks had been hit and set on fire. I saw green tracer coming towards us, one to the left and one to the right. The third was a direct hit on the turret. We fired back along the ridge at what was either a Tiger or a Panther, and reversed to be able to come up again in a different position. This we did and ended up three-quarters on to him. We came under fire straight away and received several more hits, mostly on the hull. Because we were at an angle to the enemy none of the shots penetrated the armour, but when we tried to reverse prior to coming up on to the ridge again my driver Bill Cruickshanks told me he had lost his hydraulics. As we were still under fire it was only a matter of time before we would lose the crew as well as poor old Ilkley.

I gave the order to get out, and we all met up in a large shell-hole nearby. We came under mortar and sniper fire, but due to the very wet cornfield no one was hit, although many mortars landed very close. We all walked back through Cheux and reported to the B echelon vehicles. I have a blank as to what followed. I remember sleeping that night in a tent, and later we were kitted out and given a new tank".

Taffy Leyshon was with 11 Troop: "Our first action was at Cheux, our first casualty was Corporal Sid Chapman. Our tank was hit twice and we lost a bogie and the exhaust pipes. We lost the squadron, but three of the lost tanks picked up about twelve wounded soldiers from 15 Division and took them to their regimental aid post. After the war I met one of them and he told me how relieved he was to be picked up".

Tom Tomney was troop sergeant of 13 Troop, and his driver was Cyril Rees. Cyril had just seen the awesome bulk of a captured Tiger, but before having too much time to ponder on it they were ordered to mount: "Our forming up point was a large fairly flat field growing a crop of flax. It was criss-crossed by tracks of various vehicles which had reduced this crop to a series of rectangles, squares, triangles or other geometric forms of various sizes, all spoilt. I started the engine and closed the top hatches, leaving the visor open. The oil pressure and the ammeter readings were satisfactory. We had topped up with petrol so both gauges showed full. There was no need to look at the water temperature because we had only just started up. 'Driver advance' came Tom's instruction over my headset. I engaged first gear, let in the clutch, and we were off. Tom had already told me the approximate part of the crest I was to make for so I was able to choose my route. We passed the burned-out skeleton of the matador and shortly began to climb. We were approaching a tree-lined road which crossed from right to left. I selected a convenient gap between two trees; the road was higher at this point so there was a small bank, about 3 feet high but not too steep. I started to climb in 2nd gear, then with a stall change to 1st dropped gently on to the road. With a minor steering change we passed between two more trees on the other side of the road, changing direction to bring us at roughly right angles to the crest ahead. We climbed steadily and stopped short in a hull down position. It had by now started to rain heavily and this was drifting through the top hatches. Shortly, Tom ordered "driver advance" and we were over the crest in a few minutes. Now I could feel the adrenalin pumping! I changed up and as we got near the startline Tom ordered me to close my visor. This created a dreadful dilemma because the periscopes which were my sole vision of the terrain ahead were covered with mud thrown up by our mudguard-less tracks.

I was now driving blind, and was relying on the occasional short sharp direction from Tom, but he had his own problems. Should I open the visor, or should I stop and clean the periscopes? Both options were tactically impossible. I drove on in 2nd gear trying to get as near as I could to the eyepiece to see where I was going. A few minutes later the front of the tank dropped sharply and the front idlers buried themselves in the far side of an anti-tank ditch. I tried 1st gear to try and pull us out, but to no avail. I tried reverse gear with the same result.

So what happens now? Where were we? The tank was at a fairly steep angle, I guessed about 45 degrees. The rain, pouring in through all the hatches, ran through to the front compartment, and we could splash our feet about in the small pools that were forming. And what was happening to the rest of the squadron?

We could hear scraps of messages floating about on the headphones but the atmospherics made deciphering difficult. It did seem, though, that the squadron had lost tanks and suffered casualties. I deemed it safe to run the engine now and then (in spite of the steep angle) in order to top up the batteries.

We could hear noises of battle close at hand, explosions and machine gun fire. Don Foster decided to open his hatch a little to see where we were. I opened mine a couple of inches to look around as much as possible. Countryside on my right but to the left was a farm, and beyond that what must be the tower of Cheux Church, together with a number of stone-built houses. I decided to push the hatch further open to get a better view. At that moment, something struck the cast steel cover over the ventilating fan outlet and whistled off - seemingly to the right. Maybe we were targeted? Was there a sniper in the church tower? It would have been ideal if Tom could have checked with his binoculars, but clearly he couldn't risk putting his head out of the hatch. I raised my hatch again slightly to see if I could spot any movement but it was too gloomy. We wondered if we could put an H.E. through the louvres near the top of the tower, but the angle we were at made traversing the turret to line up on this target difficult. It was now drizzling and it was getting darker. A Sherman approached slowly from our left front, with the commander and operator both with their heads out above the hatches and clearly making for the rear area. I used this opportunity to leap out of our tank, and, keeping low, ran across to stop the Sherman to ask the crew to try and pull us out. They declined forcibly and told us to get our own recovery tank to do the job. (On reflection, the Sherman would not have been man enough for this job). By this time it was getting dark, some infantry were straggling back looking pretty tired plus the occasional carrier and tank. It was great relief when our Armoured Recovery Vehicle turned up and made short work of towing us out of the ditch. We followed the A.R.V. for about 20 minutes until we found an area with lots of tanks parked and infantry putting up bivouacs. We rigged our tarpaulin up on to the tank in the usual manner, put another one on the ground, unrolled our bedding rolls, and wet, cold, tired, and dirty, we were asleep in double-quick time. In the morning it had stopped raining, but a depressing sight met our eyes. A pile of casualties was laid along a hedge about 30 feet from where we had spent the night.

A quick wash and a brew-up renewed our spirits and Tom had now got a map reference of the present squadron laager which was about a mile away. It wasn't long before we once more rejoined the fold. We parked alongside a hedge with the rest of our troop who thought we had bought it. The rest of the squadron were dispersed round the field and were camouflaged. It was fairly early in the morning and very soon we were all ordered to parade immediately. We hadn't forgotten how to parade properly, even under these conditions. Then the S.S.M., Phil Edwards, called the roll. Dave Gotobed, Roy Painter, Syd Chapman and Ted Keeble were missing.

A quiet and subdued squadron left the parade. We had served our apprenticeship and had become soldiers in 24 hours. Most of us had stories to relate as we went about making ourselves a meal and getting cleaned up. Most of us had got away with it - this time. I counted my blessings as we got stuck into some maintenance and tried not to dwell too much on the future".

Trevor Greenwood's record of 26 June was made on 27 June: "Yesterday, I had grave doubts as to whether this page would ever be written. I felt as though I had been condemned to death. But it is obvious that I have survived. We left harbour at 7am for the front line, only about 3 miles away. Held up for an hour en route...slap in the middle of a concentration of our artillery. And they had just started a barrage. What pandemonium! The earth itself shook noticeably. Jerry must have had a hell of a time. Village of Cheux had only been taken by our troops that morning, and there was much evidence of the battle. The stench of dead cows in adjoining fields was awful. Several human corpses along route.....one, recognisable as a Jerry by torn bits of uniform, had been run over on the verge, and tanks had subsequently passed over his body. It was just a pulpy mass of bloody flesh and bones. No one appeared to be bothered by it. Our own troops were too busy "digging in" against possible counter attack to worry about dead bodies. The village itself was a shambles.....just a mass of gaunt looking walls and chimney pots, with a few remaining houses full of shell holes. Snipers were still busy in some of these houses. Kept my head down! Beyond village, everything was bustle and chaos. Enormous numbers of men and vehicles moving forward.

We took up our start position in a large field below the crest of a hill: 5.00 pm. Our infantry were in position too...some hundreds of them. Had seen them on the way down. A sturdy looking crowd...mostly Scotties.....all smiling and cheerful. I think they were really glad to have our support. They asked us to swipe hell out of Jerry!

Had previously received our orders and were thoroughly conversant with plan of attack and ultimate objective. We also had a pretty good idea of where enemy's main anti tank guns were, from previous reconnaissance. Close to our zero hour, word came through that 60 Panthers had appeared within a few hundred yards of our line of advance. Hells bells! Poor little C Squadron!

But very soon, and before we started, the Panthers advanced on our position and were engaged by some fairly heavy stuff....17 pounders, I think. After about an hour, Jerry must have retired: he certainly didn't get through!....and we commenced our delayed start at 6.15 pm. Infantry ahead and rifles at the ready over the crest.....towards the woods where we knew there would be trouble. By 7.00pm the battle was on. Anti-tank guns were firing like hell...and so were we. Very soon, I saw one crew bale out, tank on fire. They crawled away in the long corn, avoiding Jerry snipers and machine-guns. Advance proceeded: infantry kept "going to ground" because of Jerry's machine guns. We sprayed those woods with Besa, tons of it...and HE and AP.....and smoke. Impossible to see anti-tank guns in woods. Could only fire at their "flash". Advance proceeded slowly: two or three Jerry tanks appeared and were engaged: they disappeared. More of ours were hit: some burning....crews bailing out.

Found myself behaving rationally and quite calm. Was really terrified just prior to "going in". Eventually we retired and waited...it seemed hours to me. We were on the battlefield all the time. We should have left, but stayed in case infantry required more assistance. Good job we did. We had to advance a second time later on to help them out. Awful business. Major Holden was grand. Picked up many men and some wounded - one stretcher case, and removed them to rear. Were in action until it was too dark to see.....must have been 10.30pm. Our loss eight vehicles, all blazing away when we finally departed about 1.00am. Next had difficulty in returning to our lines. Front very fluid and we might have been shot up as an enemy counter attack if not careful. Recce officer Ken Kidd went ahead to contact our forward troops.

Eventually crawled in to Cheux about 2.00a.m. Lay quietly in Cheux: guard on each vehicle. Snipers still in ruined building, firing constantly. Left Cheux 4.30a.m.....only just in time: heard later that enemy counter attacked Cheux soon after we left, using Tigers etc. But our troops retained the village. Eventually harboured couple of miles behind front line, and learned we were scheduled for another attack immediately! Thanks to Major's strong protest we remained in harbour for rest etc. Had no sleep for two nights and no food for many hours. Even water was a godsend during the action. Vehicles also need attention.....those that remained! Disappointing result to our hard fight; no advance made at all. Infantry badly beaten up. Opposition was far greater than anticipated. Where were our aircraft as promised? May have been weather. There was a terrible deluge during the height of action. Periscopes almost useless: much water in vehicle: clothes soaked to saturation: infantry must have been half drowned. They had a bad time: survivors we picked up were thankful for our re-appearance. Pity we couldn't have saved more of them: a grand lot of lads".




3.3 Epsom: Consolidation and Close Down

27 June - 2 July 1944

The broad picture

One of the aims of Montgomery's bridgehead strategy was to draw German armour on to the British sector of the front. This is exactly what the first day of Epsom did. The six German armoured divisions already in Normandy grouped to make a counter-attack on the "Scottish Corridor". The 2nd SS Panzer Corps, summoned from Russia on 12 June, arrived in Normandy between 25 and 27 June, and was thrown piecemeal into the counter-attack. The German armoured divisions were armed with Panzer Mark IV's and Panzer Mark V's (Panthers). The Churchill had a reasonable chance against the Mark IV, but the Panther was very difficult to knock out. And there were three Heavy Tank Battalions of the Mark VI, or Tiger, that were even more formidable.

The remaining days of Epsom consisted of attempts by the British to lengthen the corridor, counter-attacks by the Germans, and finally withdrawal and consolidation by the British, leaving a bridgehead over the River Odon. An evaluation of Epsom after the event summed up the positives and negatives in this way. In terms of ground, it had been no more than half a success. In terms of lives it had been extremely costly, roughly a quarter of the infantry having been killed or wounded. But in terms of strategy it was a three-fold triumph:

* German armour was pinned down to the British sector, giving the Americans a better

chance to break out of the western end of the bridgehead

* by creating threat after threat Montgomery forced the Germans to react to him, and

denied them the opportunity to mount a massive offensive of their own to split the

bridgehead in two

* the move of the formidable 2nd SS Panzer Corps from Russia made it easier for the

Russians to crack the Germans on the eastern front shortly afterwards

As far as the 15th Scottish Division, 31 Tank Brigade, and 9 RTR were concerned it meant that these few days were spent in a number of efforts to push forward to the River Odon and beyond, forming up to meet counter-attacks, and being subjected to fairly constant shelling and mortaring, as well as the odd visit from a German plane.

The War Diary

June 27:

A and B Squadrons carried out mopping up operations south of Cheux in the area Grainville-sur-Odon and Colleville. Here again the fighting was fierce with Panthers infiltrating from a flank after an area had been cleared. Some German armour remained well camouflaged in an orchard behind a hedgerow and opened up only at point-blank range. Ten Panthers were located in this area and two of our tanks were lost. Lieut. Mott (9 Troop, B Squadron) was severely wounded, having his legs amputated below the knee. By dusk infantry had been supported into Grainville and Colleville and were firmly established. The tanks laagered north of the Caen-Noyers railway line.

June 28:

By 0950 hrs A and B Squadrons had put the 9th Cameronians on the cross-roads between Grainville and Le Valtru. The opposition was strong with enemy tanks resisting and counter-attacks being frequently made from the direction of Noyers and Haut des Forges north-east towards Grainville and Le Valtru. Three Panthers had been destroyed, however, during the day.

June 29:

At first light C Squadron relieved A and B Squadrons and took up a position south of the railway crossing at Colleville. Elements of 11 Armoured Division had now crossed the River Odon at and were in position on Hill 112.C Squadron were shelled and mortared during the day, standing at immediate notice to support the infantry should further counter-attacks develop on Grainville. At 1800 hrs a strong infantry and tank counter-attack developed. Two Panthers had infiltrated into Grainville and German infantry were attacking Le Valtru. C Squadron deployed north-west of cross-roads and gave all support possible, and it was estimated that 600 enemy dead were left on the ground as a result. C Squadron Reconnaissance Officer, Capt. K.A. Kidd, worked magnificently during the action to maintain co-operation between the tanks and the infantry, and was later awarded the M.C. Following this abortive attack an armoured counter-attack was made south of Haut du Bosq, but this was also later repulsed. C Squadron remained in position till dark. The only casualties were due to mortaring, which had also damaged two tanks.

June 30

11 Armoured Division withdrew during the night and C Squadron stood by at 0430 hrs under the threat of another counter-attack. Nothing developed until the afternoon when sixty tanks of 9 SS Panzer Division attempted to cut of all troops south of Cheux by again attacking Haut du Bosq; this was beaten off. C Squadron were relieved by 7 RTR and joined the Battalion north of Cheux in time to watch RAF bombing enemy tank concentrations in the Villers Bocage area. This was the first time that the RAF had been seen in action and morale rose considerably.

Jul 1-2

The Battalion stood by to repulse further counter-attacks in conjunction with 43 Div. The plans were never put into effect and it appeared that the Germans had decided not to reinforce failure.




Personal recollections, 27-30 June

As the War Diary records, A and B Squadrons were in action on this day, pushing south and south-west towards the Odon, but subjected from time to time to German counter attacks. Les Arnold was in one of the BHQ OP tanks, and had been joined by his Royal Artillery Major some days before. The Major commanded the tank and had his own wireless operator to communicate with his gun batteries. This meant that Les acted as the tank gunner but also had to operate the wireless set on the regimental net. "The whole set up gave Dicky Carr (the driver) and me nightmares. The artillery people had no idea of tank crew procedures such as driver start up and gun traverse details so we had to do our own thing up to a point. I was given gun control which is as you know very difficult because visibility through the telescope is so limited. I am convinced to this day that on the odd occasion when I looked out of the turret that we were erroneously some distance ahead of the rest of the 2nd Army". Specifically on 27 June Les and Dicky got up early: "We stood to at 4.30am and our artillery Major went off to a briefing with Bob Warren. Just before midday we moved out picking up some infantry from the 43rd Wessex. They climbed onto the tank and we proceeded towards Colleville; we were getting some rain and the smell of dead cattle and horses was quite sickening. We passed through some mortar fire and then some wounded being transported on jeeps. We went along a narrow lane where the banks and the overhanging branches restricted turret traverse. We moved off the lane into a field where we were fired at by what we believed to be Panthers. Some Shermans were on fire so we moved carefully. Our artillery Major decided to call down a barrage of 25-pdrs to move the German tanks holding up infantry of the Rifle Brigade. This seemed to work because the infantry moved out of their dug-in positions and attacked over the ridge with PIATs.

We then moved towards Grainville which we heard had been cleared by 11 Armoured Div. Things quietened down then and we were able to have a quick brew up. Late in the afternoon we pulled on to a high point near Grainville from where we could see the houses of Grainville and Colleville. I immediately noticed through the gunner's telescope some armour and half-tracks crossing into a wood below and asked the artillery Major for firing instructions. He said he thought they were ours, but to me they were almost certainly Mark IV's or Panthers. And about half an hour later two of our Churchills down near the village were hit by enemy fire. We drew back from the edge of the hill and the Major called for 25 pounder fire on the point where the armour had entered the wood. After the gunners had put down a couple of salvoes an infantry officer hurried across to us and asked us to stop firing as it was dropping on his troops who were attempting to get into the wood. We then had a troubled night with Very lights falling in the valley below and we stood to all night keeping a turret watch".

The tanks that Les saw being hit were a part of a group comprising 8 Troop (Peter Beale) 9 Troop (Teddy Mott) and 10 Troop (Geoff Brewer) from B Squadron. They had advanced down from the high ground south of Cheux in the direction of Colleville and then had wheeled right with the outskirts of Grainville as their objective. The situation was fluid, and counter-attacks could be expected at any time. Geoff Brewer advanced first and reached Grainville, but on the way his sergeant's tank, commanded by Harry Simmons, was hit. Harry and Johnnie Jebb were wounded, and Mike Crawley and Ted Mycroft were killed. Ken Virgo commanded 10 Baker, and when halted on the outskirts of Grainville had an altercation with a persistent young German who wanted to drop a hand grenade or some other unpleasantry into Ken's tank. The result was an early grave for the German and a Military Medal for Ken. 8 Troop followed behind 10. Peter had only two tanks at that moment, because Corporal Johnnie Walker's 8 Baker was temporarily off the road with a mechanical problem. Moving across the fields from Colleville towards Grainville Sergeant Reg Evans was on the left. His tank was fired on by enemy in the woods to the south. The projectile did not penetrate the side of the hull, but the concussion set off the smoke discharger at the back of the tank. "Bail out" shouted Reg to the crew, acted on his own command and took off rapidly north-east through the corn. The rest of the crew dismounted less rapidly, but Ronnie Larner, the driver, stayed in the tank and continued to drive it steadily towards Grainville. Jimmy Aldcroft, Charlie Mansell and Roy Barber walked on the lee side of the tank as it drove forward, but after a short while they thought "stuff this for a game of soldiers" and got back into the tank. Jimmy commanded the tank for the rest of the day and in recognition of his initiative and good sense was awarded a mention in despatches and promoted to lance-corporal. On being asked later what it felt like when the enemy AP shot hit the hull close to where he was sitting, gunner Charlie Mansell replied: "It certainly warmed up my arse".

Shortly after 8 and 10 had reached Grainville Teddy Mott's 9 Troop was sent round to the south of the village to clear its southern flank. But in a hedgerow a German tank waited unseen until Teddy was 100 yards or so away and then opened fire. Teddy's driver and gunner, Wally Anderson and Bob Myring, were both killed. Jimmy Deem and Jock Robertson were both wounded and burned, and both of Teddy's legs were smashed below the knee. He managed to get out of the tank himself, but left one leg on the track guard and had the other amputated after he had crawled back through the fields and been taken by ambulance jeep to the medical services.

George Rathke was Teddy's troop sergeant, and remembers Grainville very well.

"On 27 June B Squadron was given the job of taking Grainville-sur-Odon, a small village completely surrounded by orchards. 10 Troop went in and came under anti-tank fire. Sgt "Cushy" Simmons' tank was hit and Simmons wounded, and the other two tanks were pinned down and unable to move.

9 Troop under Teddy Mott was then sent to try an out-flanking movement round the southern side of the village. We moved off, myself as troop sergeant in "Immune" on the right, Teddy in "Inspire" in the centre, and Cpl Jakeman in "Impulse" on the left.

We came to a gap in the trees and being on the right I was the first to turn into the opening. I found myself facing the village church some 150 yards away, and in front of the Church a Honey recce tank burning fiercely – I never did find out who it belonged to. I halted and Teddy came alongside on my left and proceeded a few yard further forward and then halted.

I had just started to talk to Teddy when there was a big flash and Inspire was hit, flames belching out of the turret. I saw the wireless-op Jimmy Deem throw himself out of the turret and then heard a shell, presumably aimed at my tank, whistle overhead. I had by then told my wireless-op Bert Watson to send out smoke from the 2-inch mortar; I also directed my gunner George Rawe on to the spot where I thought the shots were coming from, and we fired two AP rounds and began to reverse having concealed ourselves in smoke.

Having reversed about 100 yards I halted and looked around for any survivors from Inspire. I spotted Jimmy Deem running toward some other tanks of the squadron amongst the orchards. Suddenly several German machine guns opened up on him and he fell to the ground. We engaged the machine guns with Besa and also fired a couple of HE shells into the hedgerows concealing the German machine guns. All this happened in a matter of minutes – which seemed like hours.

I reported the incident to the Squadron Leader, Major Bob Warren, and was instructed to return to the squadron. Having got back and dismounted from Immune I heard a shout, and moving to the edge of the trees I saw Jimmy Deem, limping badly, coming towards us. Several of us ran forward and helped him back, and he was soon on his way to hospital.

The following morning I was sent in Immune down the main street of Grainville to do a recce. I was full of apprehension, but fortunately found that the Germans had evacuated the village during the night. Was I relieved!"

C Squadron

After their immense efforts on 26 June and the very strong representations of Squadron Leader Ronnie Holden, most of C Squadron had 27 and 28 June to rest and refit. But not all, as Jack Woods remembers. Jack was at that time driving the squadron's Humber scout car.

"The squadron had been given two days off to "lick its wounds" as the Squadron Leader put it, the replacement tanks were coming up and the fitters were busy welding track plates as a sort of "applique armour" but for us it was away first thing to report to Infantry Brigade HQ where we found an armoured counter-attack coming in. Their Brigadier was standing in the middle of the road with his arms outstretched, exhorting the bewildered Jocks who were streaming up the road to go back to their positions, and there were rumours of a breakthrough by Tiger Tanks. After a short stay we left to visit the infantry positions, passing through Colleville where we were nicely stonked and where I saw my first dead enemy, a small group led by a sergeant and freshly killed, the Jocks who had done the job crouching under a nearby hedgerow. Along a nearby road where on a crossroads a half track was burning merrily its infantry component hanging over the side all killed. Then into the infantry positions via the hedgerow which was too steep for the car which duly bellied and had to be extracted by a bren carrier while a spandau stitched a line of bullets up our backs. Mission accomplished and away by an easier exit and back along that road, it transpired afterwards that at the time the road was the front line, and into enemy territory where the Recce Officer left us to recce on foot with instructions to come and get him if he was longer than ten minutes. How green we were, standing in the road with not a personal weapon in sight and the Bren stowed. He returned, we did a smart about turn and hared off at the double the way we came, straight over the crossroads and into friendly infantry positions, where as there were enemy tanks coming up the road behind us it was decided to abandon the car and bail out. What I remember of the rest of the day is of a PzKw MK IV being knocked out by an infantry 6 pdr and the Recce Officer capturing the commanders cap and then disappearing in the general direction of the melee, and of Tpr. Egan crouched by the side of the car at the open escape door trying to raise the squadron: "Hello Sugar Niner, Hello Sugar Niner, report my signals", time and time again and finally getting through after using as many aerial extensions as he could find and the squadron suddenly appearing over the horizon like a cavalry charge".

In the period 27 to 30 June the three sabre squadrons were all in action for much of the time, but it so happened that on the 27th most of the casualties were in B Squadron, as has been described, on the 28th most of the casualties were in A and on the 29th in C.

Ray Gordon, 2 Troop, A Squadron: "On 28 June A Squadron were in action in the Colleville/Grainville/Cheux area. I remember seeing a wounded infantry soldier with his arm hanging off who we directed to a medical unit; the memory of many dead cattle with stiff legs pointing to the sky, bloated like balloons and an overwhelming stench. A German tank appeared at an angle between trees in a small wood. Jock ordered Dickie to fire and it was hit broadside (it couldn't traverse its turret thank goodness), the crew jumped out and our besas started speaking. Later that day I saw flame-throwing Churchills attack a stone farmhouse - the horrifying hiss as the flames hit and stuck on the building. Thank God I wasn't in that unit as I have always been scared of fire".

On this day A and B Squadrons helped the 9th Cameronians on to the crossroads between Grainville and Le Valtru, and then received several counter-attacks from the south and west. In A Squadron there were casualties in 1, 2 and 3 Troops. Jim Hutton, driver to George Hendrie commanding 1 Troop, tells on tape some of what happened. "I also heard Ted Costin and his crew - Corporal Jackson - heard them being engaged by a Tiger tank as they came through the hedgerow at Colleville when three of their crew members were killed. That was the last I heard of Ted. He was buried near Cheux, in the evening after the action in a shallow grave and I went to the service there, very moving. Never forget poor old Ted. The other two were Jock Pettigrew and John Samuels.

Anyway, in the action at Cheux, my troop was engaged in taking on 2 German armoured vehicles, I believe one was a Panther and other was a Mark IV. We were told that they had been knocked out, that smoke was coming from the Mark IV and we went up to this hedgerow, and as you know the driver on a hedgerow is just looking at the hedge and turret is in a hull down position and just the turret poking over the top. Tony Lyall nipped off in between the tracks and the hedge and he was doing his business. And while this was going on this German tank gunner climbed back into what we thought was a knocked out Panther and opened up. He fired a shot and it hit the top of the turret next to Trooper Butterfield who was sitting on the top and it splashed him with fragments and I remember his face getting smothered in blood. But it just nicked a little vein on his forehead and of course the blood spurted out cause it was a red hot fragment that hit him. The next thing we got one smack in the turret which it penetrated the triangle dead centre on the front of the turret and the shot penetrated the 2 inch phosphorus grenades and set them off. Kit Harlow, our gunner, was sprayed with all the phosphorus. He came out screaming his head off and bailed out and Jimmy Bennell took the full force of the shot through his stomach and that killed him instantly. I was knocked unconscious with the impact and when I came around the pannier door was open and my co-driver was gone and I happened to shake myself and get me head together and doing so I got a perforated eardrum and me ear was terrible, terrible pain I got from me left ear. And I got out and we managed to get hold of Kit Harlow and we got together the crew and we made our way around the back of the tanks to where the infantry were. German snipers and the Germans and the British were all firing at us because they didn't know who we were, they thought we were Germans and the others thought we were British and it was all over the place. Anyway we got back to where we thought the British were and they happened to be the 53rd Welsh Division who we were with at Charing. This Welsh chap called out 'Hande hoch, stick yer hands up' and I said to him 'You get stuffed you Welsh git, I'm English' and they said 'Oh alright boyo' and we made our way back. Anyway we got back and we went back to forward recovery and we managed to get a new tank and replenished and we spent the night at the back and came forward again to the regiment".

On 29 June C Squadron came back into action. As the War Diary recalls they took a lot of shelling and mortaring in the morning, and then did some sterling work near Le Valtru in the afternoon. In fact their casualties during the day were only three people wounded, and two of them recount how it happened:

Sergeant Bob Anderson, 12 Troop: "On 29 June we went back into action. This time we came under heavy mortar fire. A mortar shell landed on top of my turret and as my head was out at the time I took the blast in the face. I think it landed so close that most of the blast went over my head. However, I was blown backwards, my head and neck hit the back of the cupola and I was blinded. I said 'I cannot see; bail out'. Now as the gunner sits in front of and below the commander he cannot bail out until the commander has. My gunner, Johnny Thompson 'assisted?' me by grasping me by the legs and throwing me out. As I went out the top my snatch plug caught on the cupola handlebars. The cord wrapped round my neck, my head again hit the turret, and my back hit the tracks. Johnny quickly loosened my headphones and I dropped to the ground. That was the last thing I remember until I rejoined the battalion on August 10". Not surprising!

Sergeant Dickie Hall of 15 Troop was one of the other casualties: "With the new tanks a day or so later (29 June) we went into action again beyond Cheux. Once again there was much stopping and starting as we moved forwards through the many orchards, most of them bounded by earth banks topped with hedges (a little like Cornwall). We had been firing both guns and then two disasters happened. First Eddie Wild went to change the type of 75mm shell, and when the breech was opened only the shell-case came out; all the cordite propellent was everywhere, and the shell was still in the barrel. The Besa co-ax stopped firing, and in clearing the stoppage we had a blowback into my right hand. As we could not fire at all we withdrew. I was making a lot of mess in the turret due to the cut in the artery in my hand! Back at the trucks I told the crew to clear the guns while I went to get my hand fixed. What happened next I don't know, but I found I was lying on a stretcher with a pair of forceps sticking out of my hand and being bound for Blighty. I felt bad at leaving the squadron under these conditions. We were put on an empty Tank Landing Craft, the whole deck area was taken up with stretchers".