CHAPTER 4: HILL 112
Broad picture, 3 - 9 July
Pressure was kept up on the Germans at all points on
the perimeter of the bridgehead, particularly at Carpiquet aerodrome and Caen.
On 4 July the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division,
supported by the tanks of the Fort Garry Horse and Crocodiles of the 79th
Armoured, attacked the village of Carpiquet and the aerodrome. These were
defended by 12 SS Panzer Division (Hitler Youth) under the command of Kurt
Meyer. Though very few in numbers, the teenagers of the Hitler Youth were aided
by a few tanks and 88's, very effective artillery and mortar fire, and the fact
that Meyer was able to tap into the Canadians radio transmissions. The Germans
were forced out of Carpiquet, but not out of the aerodrome.
The next step for the Canadians and the British was a
direct attack on Caen. At 2150 hrs on 7 July 2500 tons of bombs were dropped on
the northern outskirts of Caen. At 0420 hours on 8 July 1 Corps launched the
ground attack of Operation Charnwood, the capture of Caen. The 3rd British
Infantry Division was on the left of the British advance, the 59th in the
centre, and the 3rd Canadian Infantry were on the right, starting from where
they were at Carpiquet. The attack had limited success, in that 1 Corps reached
the line of the River Orne running through the centre of Caen, while the
Germans pulled back into the industrial suburbs of Colombelles and Faubourg de
Vaucelles.
The battle for Caen died down, but Montgomery needed
to maintain pressure on the British front. The Americans had been attacking for
a week and had made little progress. The 2nd SS Panzer Division, Das Reich, had
been moved to the American sector, and Panzer Lehr was on its way.
Operation Jupiter, the plans for which had been drawn
up some days before, had the strategic objective of bringing armour back to the
British front, and the tactical objective of reaching the River Orne south of
Caen. The specific objectives, shown in the map of Figure ____, were: on the
right flank of the advance Hill 112; on the left flank of the advance Chateau
de Fontaine, Eterville, Maltot, and exploitation to the Orne at Feuguerolles.
The British troops taking part in Jupiter were: 43 (Wessex) Infantry Division,
plus 46 (Highland) Brigade and a brigade of the 3rd Canadian Infantry division;
tank support consisted of 31 Tank Brigade (7 RTR and 9 RTR), and 4 Armoured Brigade;
artillery support was provided by the divisional artillery of 43 Wessex, 15
Scottish, 53 Welsh and 11 Armoured, as well as the heavier guns of two Army
Groups Royal Artillery (AGRA's).
9 RTR in Operation Jupiter:
before and during;
Extracts from the War Diary
Jul 2-7: The Battalion was
concentrated north of Cheux and a recce was ordered in conjunction with 130
Brigade (43 Div) of the area Verson - Eterville - Maltot. The recce had two
purposes:
to
find a suitable route across country, including a crossing of the River Odon,
so that tanks could reach the area Fontaine Etoupefour.
to discover suitable forming up points
(FUP's) for all squadrons prior to an attack south-east from Fontaine
Etoupefour.
No natural route was
available, but with the Royal Engineers blasting trees, bull-dozing hedgerows,
and fording the river, a route was made and marked.
All troop leaders went
forward to know the location and nature of their respective FUP's, and then
crawled forward to get a glimpse of the ground over which they might be
attacking. During these recces it was possible to see the battle of Carpiquet
aerodrome which the Canadians were still trying to capture.
With the recce complete the
Battalion, less B Squadron, was ordered to rest and moved to south of Bronay. B
Squadron moved to just north-east of Colleville with objects of
counter-attacking any enemy advance from east or north-east and of blocking the
Caen-Villers Bocage road.
Jul 7: B Squadron rejoined
the Battalion and during the evening a heavy raid by 450 bombers on the area
north of Caen was watched with a certain amount of excitement.
Jul 9: Reports showed that 1
Corps was breaking into Caen from the north and east. By 1800 hrs all Caen
north of the River Orne had been captured; Carpiquet aerodrome and the road
Verson-Caen were also reported clear. Operation Jupiter was now possible.
Plan 31 Tank Brigade in support 43 Division
Right 7 RTR, less B Squadron, with 129 Brigade to attack and capture Hill
112
Left 9 RTR with 130 Brigade to capture Chateau de Fontaine,
Eterville and Maltot.
Phase 1
(9 RTR): B Squadron with 5
Dorsets to Chateau de Fontaine at H-hour
(0500 hrs)
Phase 2 C Squadron
with 4 Dorsets to Eterville at H + 75 minutes.
Phase 3 A
Squadron with 7 Hampshires to Maltot at H + 180 minutes.
Exploitation 4
Armoured Brigade to move to St. Martin 9760 and Feuguerolles
46 Brigade with B Squadron 7 RTR to
advance north east towards Caen
At
2000 hours 9 Jul the Battalion moved to Forward Assembly Area (FAA) north-east
of Colleville.
Jul
10: At 0300 hrs the Battalion moved to FUP area Fontaine-Etoupefour. The move
was covered by artillery and no difficulties were encountered. Battalion HQ was
established at Bas de Mouen, just north of the River Odon.
Phase
1
At
0500 hrs B Squadron advanced with 5 Dorsets and in 15 minutes Les Dauns had
been taken and only machine-gun fire had been encountered. It was known that
elements of 10 SS Panzer Division threatened the left flank and 12 Panthers
were reported roaming in the area of Eterville. A troop of 17-pounder
self-propelled anti-tank guns (SP's) took up positions to guard against this
threat while B Squadron pushed on to the Chateau. Resistance was still confined
to machine-gun fire and snipers, and soon 6, 7 and 8 Troops were working round
the Chateau. By 0552 hrs the 5 Dorsets had captured their objective; one tank
had been lost on the left flank due to anti-tank fire later discovered to have
been a 75/55mm.
At
0614 the objective was reported secure with the infantry firmly established on
the line of the road from Fontaine-Etoupefour to Maltot. About 30 prisoners had
been taken, a number killed, and at least six machine-gun positions destroyed.
Phase
2
By
0635 hrs C Squadron were advancing to Eterville with 4 Dorsets. As their besa
fire tore through the corn the Germans came forward with their hands up.
Prisoners were identified as belonging to 1 and 2 Battalions of the 22nd Panzer
Grenadier Regiment. As 4 Dorsets neared Eterville B Squadron moved up and gave
added support from the right flank, destroying two anti-tank guns.
The
threat from the left remained, but a further troop of 17-pounder SP's and 11
Troop of C Squadron were in good positions waiting for the first sign of enemy
tanks. By 0735 hrs Eterville had been taken and B Squadron rallied north of Les
Dauns. Heavy enemy Mortar fire was concentrated on Eterville.
Phase
3
At
0815 hrs A Squadron advanced between B and C Squadrons supporting 7 Hampshires
in their attack on Maltot. B Squadron was in position to provide support from
the right flank of A's attack. Up to now the whole attack had gone perfectly,
but at 0835 hrs A Squadron was severely worried by anti-tank fire from 4 German
SP's in the area of the orchards just north of Maltot. As soon as an artillery
concentration was brought down in this area 8 Troop of B Squadron reported
anti-tank fire from the reverse slopes of Hill 112 and that 2 tanks had been
knocked out.
On
the right of 9 RTR 7 RTR were attacking Hill 112 in support of 129 Brigade.
They had made substantial progress, but at 0933 hrs a strong enemy
counter-attack was made on Hill 112. 7 RTR suffered a number of casualties
including their C.O., Lt-Col Gaisford, who lost an eye, and the 2 i/c Major Bob
Fleming who was killed. The right flank of 9 RTR's advance was thus enfiladed,
and anti-tank fire was also reported from the high ground dominating Maltot to
the west of the River Orne. The impetus of the attack was failing two Tigers
were in Maltot making the advance of the infantry extremely difficult and A
Squadron's movement was hampered by a troop of Tigers on the southern slope of
Hill 112, firing north-east.
At 1156 hrs A Squadron were
still struggling to support the infantry in Maltot who were now confronted with
another Tiger. The German infantry were now counter-attacking and only nine
tanks of A Squadron were left. Major Douglas Ballantine, OC A Squadron,
dismounted in an attempt to make contact with the CO of the 7 Hampshires
(Lt-Col DWG Ray), but was severely wounded by mortar fire and subsequently
died.
By 1200 hrs 2 i/c A Squadron
(Capt Bert Mockford) reported that he had only four tanks capable of fighting,
and further reports stated that counter-attacks were being made with tanks and
infantry from north-east and south-west of Maltot.
The Battalion was disposed as
follows:
B Squadron and elements of A
in hull down positions on spur south of Chateau de Fontaine with infantry and
anti-tank guns dug in.
C Squadron had joined
Battalion HQ in forward rally after release by 4 Dorsets. BHQ had been mortared
and shelled periodically causing severe casualties among the wounded that had
been brought in.
From 1300 - 1600 hrs there
was a stale-mate, the enemy making no attempts to push their counter-attack any
further. A new plan was devised whereby A Squadron 7 RTR (Major Dick Joscelyne)
were to put the 5th Battalion Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry (5 DCLI) on
Hill 112 and C Squadron 9 RTR to put 4 Dorsets into Maltot. B Squadron were to
give support from the right in the opening phase. 4 Armoured Brigade were
waiting to go through.
The advance began at 1640 hrs
and despite anti-tank fire from south west of Maltot C Squadron had put the
infantry into the village by 1700 hrs. But ten minutes later C Squadron were
being shot at from the rear, for once again enemy tanks had infiltrated under
cover of the spur north-east of Hill 112. Eight Tigers were also moving in on
the left flank, and the infantry were pulling out of Maltot under pressure.
At 1935 hrs C Squadron was
also forced to withdraw under the cover of supporting fire from B Squadron.
Mortaring and shelling was almost continuous and at 2030 hrs all tanks rallied
at the FUP; later they moved to join A Echelon north-east of Mouen to replenish
and collect reinforcements.
During this day the battalion
suffered 65 casualties (more than a quarter suffered in the entire NW Europe
campaign), of whom 22 were killed, 34 wounded, and 9 taken prisoner. Sixteen
tanks had been knocked out, of which six were recoverable.
From the ground and the other
side of the hill
When the War Diary was written the diarist did not
know exactly what was happening in the infantry brigades and the battalions
that we were supporting. And it was not until after the war that we knew what
the enemy was doing and suffering "on the other side of the hill".
This is how it did seem:
From the ground
The 5th Dorsets under Lt-Col B.A. Coad (with B
Squadron) had captured the Chateau de Fontaine and the farm nearby by 0615 hrs.
Snipers fought it out to the end amongst the farm buildings, hayricks, high
hedges and trees. The attack of the 4th Dorsets (Lt-Col H.E. Cowie) with C
Squadron on Eterville went forward with great dash, and casualties at first
were light. Seventy prisoners were taken and the battalion started to
consolidate. A grim struggle for the far end of the village then developed, and
enemy mortar and shell fire rained down. Casualties streamed into the
regimental aid post (RAP), which soon overflowed with wounded who could not be
evacuated; the only approach to the village for vehicles was a sunken lane
which became blocked with blazing carriers, and no ambulance could reach the
RAP. However, Eterville was held.
The 7th Hampshires (Lt-Col D.W.G. Ray) advanced
through the gap between Eterville and Chateau de Fontaine and down towards the
orchards and houses of Maltot in the hollow beyond. Intense fire from mortars
and 88's came down on the advancing companies, but the battalion entered the
village and reported that it was in their hands. In fact they had merely
superimposed themselves on a very strongly defended enemy locality. Part of
that strength consisted of Tiger tanks of the 502 SS Heavy Tank Battalion, and
amongst the houses and orchards companies fought independent actions against
the tanks. The wireless truck at the Hampshires' BHQ received a direct hit, and
communication with brigade was cut off.
It was not for some hours that the desperate position
of the Hampshires was realized. During this time the 4th Dorsets in Eterville
had been relieved by the 9th Cameronians, thus freeing 4 Dorsets for a further
advance.
The plan to restore the situation at Maltot was for 4
Dorsets to advance to support 7 Hampshires. This they did, but the two leading
companies, expecting to take over from the Hampshires in the village, advanced
straight into the enemy position and were surrounded. Enemy tanks worked round
to the rear of the remainder of the battalion, which lay out in the fields
exposed to fire from every direction.
Meanwhile on the ridge to the north Col. Coad of 5
Dorsets had realized the seriousness of the situation in Maltot. He organized
the defence of the reverse slope of the ridge, and was joined by 7 Somerset
Light Infantry, 1 Worcesters, and the 17-pounders of 59 Anti-Tank Regiment. The
gains of the morning were thus made secure.
The position of 4 Dorsets was now hopeless, and Col.
Cowie was given permission to withdraw what remained of his battalion; five
company commanders had been lost. The remnants withdrew up the slope to the
ridge and collected in the area of the Chateau de Fontaine.
From the other side of the hill
The Germans defending the attacks of Operation Jupiter
consisted of the 12 SS Panzer Division (Hitler Youth), 10 SS Panzer Division
(Frundsberg), and the 9 SS Panzer Division (Hohenstaufen), which was being
relieved by 277 Infantry Division. Fortunately for all of them, they had just
been joined by the 502 SS Heavy Tank Battalion, the Tiger battalion of II SS
Panzer Corps. This battalion arrived at St. Martin, 3 km south of Maltot, at
0245 hrs on 10 July after eighteen days on the road from Holland.
The Tigers first moved up to the ridge close to Hill
112 and caused many casualties to 7 RTR, 4 Somersets, and 4 and 5 Wiltshires
who were attacking the ridge at that point.
Later in the morning, at the time when the Hampshires
and A Squadron attacked Maltot, the British progress was plotted by the
commander of 10 SS Panzer Division. He brought down a heavy curtain of
artillery and mortar fire to prevent the British from developing their attack
on Hill 112, and at the same time sent forward the armoured battalion of 22 SS
PGR and the 10th SS Recce Battalion with the Tigers of the 502 Battalion to
counter-attack at Maltot.
During the whole day the Tigers were active around
Hill 112 and Maltot. Their position just to the south of the 112 ridge enabled
them to enfilade the attacks on Maltot, as well as any positions taken up by
British troops south of the ridge in the area of the Chateau de Fontaine. And
their presence in and around Maltot made that village an extremely difficult
nut to crack.
Personal recollections of 10
July
This day was the worst day for the 9th in the whole
campaign, and we incurred more than a quarter of all the casualties we
sustained in NW Europe on that one day. And the severity, at 34% killed, was
well above the normal ratio of killed to total casualties. How did the day seem
to the individual? Not good, as the following accounts testify.
Battalion HQ: Capt. AEW (John) Hodges, Adjutant:
"Attack on Maltot area and pt 112. In the morning
B Squadron attacked Chateau de Fontaine from just south of Verson. Attack was
successful and was exploited to the high ground 500 yards beyond. C Squadron
then attacked Eterville and all went well. About 1100 hours A Squadron formed
up with 7th Hampshires to pass through these positions and capture Maltot. The
tanks reached the orchards surrounding the village and the Infantry entered. At
this stage everything seemed to go wrong. The tanks were caught in a murderous
cross fire from beyond the river on their right and from woods and the reverse
slope of 112, the latter being the objective of 7 RTR who failed to take it.
Very heavy mortar fire came down and the inevitable counter attack with tanks
came in. The Hampshires were reduced to company strength and at this stage only
four tanks out of eighteen were left to fight. These joined up with B Squadron
who succeeded in holding the general line chateau and Eterville. About 6pm C
Squadron attacked Maltot with a fresh set of Infantry as before the outskirts
of the village were reached but no further progress could be made.
This was a disastrous day for A Squadron. Young George
Hendrie was killed early on. An 88mm shell struck the commander flap and
decapitated him. The crew managed to bring the tank back to the start line and
he was buried by the Padre together with an Infantry soldier under an elm tree
near Verson at 965646. He was a very popular young officer and his death was a
great shock to us all. Major Ballantine also died of wounds on this day. I
heard his last message over the wireless saying, quite cheerfully, that his
tank had been hit three times and that he was trying to get through the hedge
into the orchard".
The story of Duggie Ballantine's death, as recounted
by John, was given in the Overture to this history.
A Squadron
The 9th's total casualties on 10 July were 65; of
these 41 were in A, 14 in B, 8 in C, and 2 in HQ. And of the 41 casualties in
A, 16 were killed. Among those killed were the Squadron leader Duggie
Ballantine, Troop Leader of 1 Troop, George Hendrie, and Troop Sergeant of 2
Troop, Jock Smith. Among the wounded were Capt. Ronnie Kirby, Lieut. Shep
Douglas, Squadron Sergeant-Major Monty Bradley, and Sergeants Frank Quinn,
Gray, and Nobbie Norman. It was a grievous blow. Ray Gordon's account of the
deaths of Jock Smith, Bill Morris, Dickie Knight, and Jack Hutchinson, and his
own wounding was also given in the Overture to this history.
Jim Hutton was George Hendrie's driver in 1 Troop.
"Anyway, getting away from there we moved on then
to Maltot and I remember Sergeant Norman and his crew coming up on the A set
and he called out that he was in trouble, that the Germans had surrounded him
and he came on the air and said "What shall I do. I am surrounded by
Germans", and somebody - some bright spark over the air called out
"Stick your bloody hands up!" (chuckle). Anyway he was taken prisoner
there and if you look in a book called "Hill 112" you will see that
Sergeant Norman and his crew were taken prisoner by the German SS and there's
quite a good picture of them being interrogated. The other thing was a bit hair
raising; somebody came up on the air and called out, "To my left there are
50 Sherman tanks approaching, to my left." "Say again, over".
"50 Sherman tanks". "Did you say Sherman or German?"
(chuckle) and he said "Sherman". "Oh", he said "thank
goodness for that".
The second part of Jim's recollections of that day are
not nearly so cheerful:
"Now at Hill 112 I never forget on the Sunday
Lieutenant Hendrie had his birthday. He was 21 on the Sunday and we all got
drunk on Calvados had a good knees up and a good singsong and all that. Anyhow,
Monday morning first light, we were briefed to go into Maltot towards our
objective which was between C Squadron and B Squadron, A Squadron was to come
through the middle and take a feature but we got hit so badly, I think out of
18 tanks there wasn't many, I think only 5 of us managed to make it. But we got
hit on the turret and it hit dead centre of the turret ring and the main
armament couldn't traverse and water in the canteen splashed all over the place
because that's the side it came in. I felt this cold water over the back of my
neck and I couldn't make out what it was but then the tank commander Lieutenant
Hendrie called out "We'll carry on with the front machine gun" cause
the main armament couldn't be traversed.
So we carried on firing the front machine gun and the
next shot hit the cupola and took Lieutenant Hendrie's head - decapitated him
and his body fell down into the turret. I felt warm liquid on the back of my
neck, which I knew was blood and on turning around I spotted his body with no
head and I didn't know whether the rest of the crew were alive or dead in the
back. By this time I decided to swing left and swing right cause I knew they
had got a beeline on us and they were out to destroy us so I swung hard left
and then stopped; swung hard right and moved forward, swung left, right and
done a complete swing around. We had a hit on the side, on the right-hand
pannier door, my side, and it hit there and ricocheted off scooping about half
the metal out and we swung around and we had another hit on the back which was
on the louvres, on the metal chocolate bar on the louvre, nearly penetrated the
petrol tanks but it managed to bounce off. Finally I did a complete turn, which
I thought was a complete turn and we had one hit the back which hit the top of
the gear box and ripped the top of the selectors off, the cover for the
selectors. We managed to keep going and we drove for about a mile, a mile and a
half and we stopped and we hadn't a clue where we were and Busty Cliff, that
was my co-driver - Corporal Cliff - he said "Which way do we go now?"
So I looked at a compass, I said "Well if we go
that way we are going north towards England so that's the way we want to
go" and just as we were about to move we saw a column of tanks coming
along a hedge with the rally flags flying and the guns traversed rear which was
C Squadron was returning from an action, the same action and we managed to join
in with them. We saw the OC and he said tag on the back and we'll take you back
to your squadron. When we returned to the forward echelon Sergeant Major
Bradley and a padre came over and asked us if we had any casualties and we said
Yes, I think there's three in the turret; but on looking they found there was
only one, Lieutenant Hendrie was dead and the other two were more or less
dumbfounded, more or less just struck dumb and they managed to come out and we
were all OK eventually. Sergeant Major Bradley said Get yourselves some tea and
get some sleep and try and get over it which we did and that was quite an
experience there. We found out that the squadron had taken a hell of a bashing.
And I never forget Sergeant Major Bradley, he was a marvellous man. They got
the webbing slings in the turret and managed to take Lieutenant Hendrie's body
out and they buried him. That was quite an experience".
SSM Monty Bradley was remembered as a marvellous man
by many people including Jim. Harry Hurt of 5 Troop recalls: "Nobby Clark
of 5 Troop told me that Monty was wounded at Fontaine-Etoupefour on 10 July.
Some wounded tank crew, of whom Nobby was one, were waiting at the FUP to be
evacuated. A stonk came down, Monty threw himself on top of a tank crew member
to protect him from further wounding, and was himself wounded as a
result".
Bob Taylor was gunner to Cpl Fred Armstrong, Troop
Corporal of 5 Troop commanded by Lieut. Gerry Wells. His tank started from the
orchards around the Chateau de Fontaine.
"We left the orchard and proceeded across fields
looking for enemy positions when we saw our Troop Sergeant Tony Griffith and
his crew taking shelter at the rear of their tank, which had been knocked out
by enemy fire. He signalled to us to give us some idea where the enemy were
firing from. Vic Mills, our operator and loader shouted "Traverse
Left". As I did I saw a flash from I presume a German 88mm and I fired at
the flash. But we had been hit in the turret where the 2 inch smoke rounds were
stored and in the next instant we were on fire, flames were coming up from the
turret floor and I shouted to the crew to bail out.
The driver and co-driver got out OK, and Cpl Fred
Armstrong, the Tank Commander got out suffering with burns to his face and
hands. I proceeded to bail out, but my pistol lanyard got caught on the arm
rest of the six pounder gun and in the process of getting my lanyard free the
flames burnt my hands and face. Eventually I got out of the tank and joined the
rest of the crew at the rear of the tank, as we were being machine gunned by
the enemy. It was then I was told that Vic Mills, our operator, had been killed
as the 88 shot had entered his side of the turret. The tank was well alight by
now and there was nothing we could do as the ammo started to explode.
We waited for a while then we started to make our way
back to the orchard, which meant that we had to cross a field of tall wheat or
corn. We had to keep bobbing up and down to find our direction to the orchard,
and to keep out of sight from the German infantry, as they were in the same
field.
As we got near the road we came upon a wounded German
soldier sitting against the hedge. When he saw us he lifted his rifle and
pointed it as us so we pointed our pistols at him and he slung his rifle to one
side and raised his hands in surrender.
But we were more concerned with getting treatment for
our burns. We got back to the orchard and were given first aid, then Fred
Armstrong and myself were taken to Bayeux and shipped to England for hospital
treatment".
B Squadron
B Squadron moved off at 0500 hrs. Their first
objective was Les Dauns and the final one the ridge just beyond the Chateau de
Fontaine. John Powell was the wireless-op in the troop sergeant's tank of 7
Troop; his account starts after the end of the Epsom battles:
"The lull in operations lasted just a few days
until we were told to prepare for the next action. Details are hazy but I
remember moving up to the start line ready to support the Hampshires and
Dorsets in their advance on Chateau de Fontaine and Maltot. As always we moved
off at first light and fairly rapidly achieved our first objective, whatever that
may have been.
All seemed quiet and we were awaiting our next move,
feeling confident and probably slightly complacent at our initial success when
the tank was hit in the engine compartment. The impact was unmistakable but not
as horrifying or noisy as had previously been imagined. During the second or
two that we were adjusting to this situation another round penetrated the left
side of the turret, presumably igniting the ammo as the tank started to
'brew-up" immediately. An intercom. and visual check quickly revealed that
tragically our greatly liked and respected young gunner, L/Cpl Johnny Foden,
had taken the full force of the projectile and was beyond help. He must have
perished mercifully quickly. The tank was now burning furiously and the rest of
us needed to abandon ship smartly. Machine-gun rounds were striking the side of
the turret so we waited for a lull, hoping that the machine-gunner would need
to change belts. The remaining four of us jumped out. Our troop-leader's tank
was nearby and, being pointed in the right direction towards our own lines, we
started to trudge back. Tankies without their vehicles are a bit like
shell-less tortoises on the battlefield and we felt strangely vulnerable.
The noise of battle sounded increasingly distant as we
crossed the open Normandy fields. On our way we came across a young German
infantryman, SS as I remember, who had a leg wound. On being offered a
cigarette he showed what he thought of it all by spitting at us! A stretcher
was found from somewhere by someone and we took turns at carrying the unhappy
young man back with us.
Like I said, we were unused to being on a battlefield
without inches of armour plate around us. Some mortar rounds or shells started
whistling around and we dropped. Too late. When I returned to consciousness the
others were getting up but I couldn't move. I tried to shout but only a whisper
came out. The others noticed my plight and our sergeant examined me, turned me
over and put a field dressing on my back. I couldn't feel my legs but was
assured that they were still there. Someone went to get help while I was given
a cigarette to keep me occupied. My very brief war was certainly over".
John records what happened after that: "Flown back in a very bumpy Dakota
for further attention to my spinal injuries, I spent months and months in
hospital recovering some use of my legs. Eventually I was invalided out".
Peter Beale was commanding 8 Troop with Taffy Jones as
his troop sergeant and Johnnie Walker as his troop corporal. They reached the
objective beyond the Chateau de Fontaine without any difficulty, and waited
there while C Squadron successfully attacked Eterville. When A Squadron began
to experience difficulties in Maltot B Squadron moved a little further south
over the ridge, with 8 Troop on the right flank. At this stage no one realized
that 7 RTR's attack on Hill 112 had been repulsed by the Tigers of 502 SS
Battalion, and that these same Tigers were prowling round up there looking for
new targets.
Ronnie Larner was Taffy Jones' driver. What's going
on, Sarge, asked Ronnie. Nothing at all, Ronnie, says Taff, we're safe as
houses here. Five minutes later, Peter was standing in his tank.
"I was looking ahead through my binoculars in the
direction of Maltot, trying to see what was happening down there. Suddenly I
caught a flicker of movement to my right. Good God! Both Taffy's and Johnnie's
tanks are on fire. Shot must be coming from the right, Hill 112. Haven't the
7th got that? Whatever, John, hard right, face up the ridge, Norman, smoke;
message to Bob, two have gone, putting down smoke, backing off ridge; Reg, take
the tank back off the ridge, I'll go and see if I can help the others.
So I got out of the turret and down on to the ground
and walked towards the blazing tanks. The Tigers on the reverse slope of 112
were still firing in our direction, and their shots were low enough that I
could see them snickering through the corn. Going as they were at slightly over
800 metres per second, they looked most unhealthy.
The only person I could find was Roy Barber, who had
suffered burns. I helped him back towards the Chateau and the RAP. As we were
level with the Chateau we heard an incoming Moaning Minnie stonk. In the ditch,
I said. And from the ditch I saw a mortar land 60 metres away, then another 30
metres away, the two making a straight line aiming directly at us. Not good
odds, I thought. But the next two were some way behind us, and before too long
Roy had got back to good hands at the RAP".
C Squadron
C Squadron had two major actions during the day, as
the War Diary has related. Trevor Greenwood was the troop sergeant of 15 Troop,
which was commanded by Seymour Francis. As they were moving off on the night of
9 July Seymour's tank suffered a broken bell crank in the gear box. Seymour
changed to Trevor's tank. There was no spare in the fitter's truck, so the
Battalion Technical Officer (BTO) had to return to base to get one. Trevor's
narrative starts very early on the morning of 10 July.
"Probably one of the worst days I will ever
know...B.T.O returned about 1.00am...having had to return to St. Gabriel for
new part. Something of a feat to make return journey in darkness...no lights,
no roads etc. Job finished about 2.30a.m......and we moved off to find the
squadron: only a hazy idea of their location, but we found them
eventually...about 3.30a.m. Just in time to form up for march to Verson and
FUP. It was a horrible journey. Cold - hunger - fear: terrible fear....these
were only a part of the nightmare. I suppose the journey was about 3 miles, but
it seemed longer. The territory was only newly occupied...and there were the
usual obvious signs...visible even in the dark. Dead cattle...almost always
lying with legs pointing upwards...usually one or more legs blown off by blast or
shrapnel; a horrible sight.
Vehicles, both ours and German, dumped in ditches
along roadside; villages...completely ruined and desolate; silent but for our
noise. Sentries and guards standing at road junctions etc...very much on the
alert...waiting...listening...peering...snipers everywhere.
Our FUP was just south of Verson from where we were
scheduled to launch an attack on Eterville with 4th Dorsets: zero hour for us
was 6.15am. As we neared Verson, the noise became worse...terrifying. An
enormous barrage was being laid down close by for "B"...who were
going further west at 5.00am.
At Verson, ruins as usual and we did more damage to
walls and houses...unavoidable in the narrow lanes and darkness. Enemy only
just cleared out of the place.
We were in Verson about 5.30am: our FUP a field
immediately south of village, just below hill crest. We were now able to see
fairly well, but it was not fully daylight. As we manoeuvred into position, I
noticed a tremendous barrage falling on our left flank...about a quarter mile
away. This was a grand sight: it was the smoke screen promised: without it, our
left flank would have been completely exposed. Right flank was OK....B had
already gone in there.
But the barrage was not the only activity. Jerry was
sending over tons of mortar. It was falling around us, literally plastering the
corn field. There was so much machine-gun fire...both coming and going:...Jerry
machine-guns were still only a few yards ahead of us. Kept my head down as much
as possible!
At 6.00am, our infantry were in position, to our rear:
the mortar fire must have been terrible for them, but they seemed unconcerned.
I cannot describe my own reactions about this time. I am always too much afraid
for cohesive thought just prior to action:....mentally paralysed with fear, I
suppose. But my physical behaviour was quite normal. Up to now, I haven't even
experienced any trembling! Queer, that!
At 6.15, the major's order came over the air
"advance". We commenced to move up the gentle slope...into what?
Eterville lay half a mile beyond the crest, in a shallow valley.
The air was very busy: B had been fighting for an hour
on our right, and seemed to have reached their objective: that was some
consolation. And on the left flank, we had our white wall of smoke: I felt very
secure from that quarter...and I knew that this smoke would continue for four
hours: I felt very grateful for the artillery. By now, I had become quite
normal: deadly calm and unworried: it is not natural. Every fibre of my being
was concentrated upon the one think...enemy gun flashes:...miss them,
and...there may not be a second chance. Most of my observation was done thro'
the periscopes: too much machine-gunning over the top. Closed down occasionally
when mortar became too concentrated around us.
We reached the crest...and there were the enemy
running for cover...towards Eterville and the trees ahead. Our besa opened
up...every bush and shrub: every tree: every haystack: anything and everything
that could hide a body....was raked with machine gun fire.
Our infantry were now amongst and ahead of us...and
soon, prisoners started to come in: odd couples of Jerrys popping up from the
corn, hands raised...scared to death.
At least three haystacks were now on fire from our
incendiary machine gun fire. The smoke from them was a bit of a nuisance,
blowing across our front. Ahead, lay the trees immediately in front of
Eterville: they were my worry. Jerry has a habit of concealing Tigers and
Panthers in the woods. They usually open fire when we are too close to take
evasive action...and one hit from an 88 at 400 yards....!
Very soon, we opened up with H.E. on the
village...there were as yet no signs of any 88's. The infantry kept steadily
on.....walking warily through the deep corn, but always going
forward...forward. Our Besa fire passed over them, but it must have been
uncomfortably close. Grand fellows those infantry lads: so brave and calm.
I felt terribly grateful towards them when I saw them
amongst the trees: they would report any hidden A.T. guns and tanks. My vehicle
was behaving well...and putting down smoke fire: crew worked splendidly: damned
hard work too. And how we smoked cigarettes! Pedder solved the match problem by
getting his lighter to work with gun buffer oil! And in the midst of an action!
Mortars were still troublesome: as good as any air force to Jerry!
Time has no meaning during action: some time during
the fight, Very lights were seen from the village, and we knew the infantry
were "in": they had done a grand job and occupied the place with
remarkable speed. We just remained on the high ground...keeping on the alert
from any armour...and a possible counter-attack.
Meanwhile, the smoke was still literally pouring down
on the left: B had done their job on the right, and now our front seemed
reasonably safe: The tension was less acute...but always there was the mortar
and snipers and the necessary vigil for lurking Tigers and Panthers.
Later, when the village had quietened down, we
withdrew to original start point...and replenished our depleted ammo
racks...the SSM was there waiting for us.
Mortar was now quite regular and all around us: we
hadn't lost one in the action! Thank goodness it was over: we seemed to have
been fighting for many hours...but it was only 10.00am.
And now we had time for a brew and a few biscuits and
a little rest, in spite of continual mortaring. We were very exposed, in the
middle of a large cornfield, but we couldn't withdraw further in case we were
needed to repel a counter-attack. The hours passed...maybe two or three...and
we were all hoping for the order to withdraw. My crew, in particular were
dreadfully tired, having had no sleep the previous night owing to the
breakdown. And the awful tension of the action had had its effect. And
then...the colonel's voice over the air to the major: another "party"
was being arranged for us: stand by for further action!! God! What dreadful
depression!
Shortly, we learned about the "party".
A had passed through C and B to carry out a further
attack to the south on Maltot...and things weren't going so well. It appeared
that A had been hammered pretty badly. We were scheduled to launch a further
attack on Maltot with fresh infantry. And we had been complimenting ourselves
upon our neat little action in taking Eterville so quickly and without loss to
ourselves. But now!?
Once again that terrible fear...Well....we went
in...via scenes of recent action...dreadful scenes. As with Eterville, we
plastered the woods around Maltot with machine gun fire and plenty of H.E. My
gunner asked permission to have a go at the church spire, just visible above
the hill crest: he was given permission, and got two lovely hits with H.E.
The steeple toppled. It might have harboured an enemy observer.
Once again, we were assisted by the artillery laying a
grand smoke screen on our left flank. The infantry seemed to have little
difficulty in entering the woods...and so down to the village. We did not
follow: remaining on the high ground on the alert for enemy armour. We knew
there were at least three Panthers in the village...or in the vicinity.
Occasional burst of machine-gun fire from enemy dug
outs, and a few snipers, but we dealt with them. We must have passed an hour or
two on that crest...and then came the major's voice over the air appealing to
the Colonel for further assistance in the village for the infantry. Things
seemed to happen rapidly: 3 S.P's were promised...but it seemed a poor
response.
And then I noticed one of our tanks on fire. What on
earth was happening? There were no signs of enemy on the hill, and our infantry
were in the woods and village. It seemed like a counter-attack in force,
judging by Major Holden's further appeal. He had somehow contacted the infantry
commander.
Suddenly I heard some heavy gunfire...and the swish of
shells. Hells Bells! My tank was
being fired at. Two misses! Darned if I could see any gun flashes or tanks. I
peered frantically through the periscope...there seemed to be at least one more
tank in difficulties and several smaller vehicles on fire.
And then the major's voice...he wanted help...smoke. He got smoke...all of us poured it out as
fast as we could. In a matter of seconds, our former peaceful hill crest was
pretty well littered with burning vehicles, and smoke...a dense fog. I noticed
one or two nearby vehicles moving away, but where to? Soon I couldn't see a
thing but smoke, but gave the driver orders to advance: better to go anywhere
than stay and be shot up. Eventually found my way back to lower ground away
from the danger zone...but I was still hazy about the situation. All the same,
I felt convinced that something pretty bad had happened.
Very soon, infantry appeared running towards us...and
away from Maltot. Were we withdrawing? Some sort of retreat seemed apparent. We
were too far ahead to re-group and deploy for further action, so we withdrew to
our laager north of Eterville...the latter being now well consolidated by the
infantry.
And there we waited...being fiercely mortared
meanwhile. Ultimately, and without warning, we turned about and
withdrew...accompanied by terrific mortar fire: it seemed certain that we were
under observation, so accurate was the mortaring.
Through Verson...and fields and orchards and lanes to
a point about 2 miles north-west of Verson. A rather hectic journey and rather
bewildering. Arrived after dark in a field our final halt for the day.
My crew had been in the tank almost continuously for
about 28 hours! And no meal in the period: but we had biscuits, and one
"brew up". Heard alarming rumours about casualties etc. but things
were too obscure to worry about. Bed was imperative. Rolled myself in a couple
of blankets, and slept beneath the tank".
Ronnie Holden commanded C Squadron throughout the whole day with one break,
which he describes:
"In the afternoon C Squadron were alerted to
attack Maltot in support of 4 Dorsets. As far as I could see there were two
options:
to
obey orders and support the infantry into Maltot
to
attack the enemy tanks which dominated Maltot
I chose the second option and set out from higher
ground to the new sight that we had of the Tigers. Here I got a direct hit in
Incredible's engine which promptly caught fire: CO2
bottle to the rescue, fire out, but only half an engine. Coinciding with this
set-back I received a message by scout car ordering me to report personally to
the Commander of 43 Div (Major-General Ivor Thomas) at once. So into the scout
car, but not before giving orders to pin the Tigers from hull down positions
about 150 yards back from even higher ground. The ride to Div HQ was quite a
way and my meeting with General Thomas was further delayed by the arrival of
the Corps Commander.
After my meeting with the generals I had to report
back to our Colonel, Paddy Everard, and so took no further part in the action
at Maltot which ended with disastrous consequences. Two lessons are to be
learned from this:
never
reinforce failure
never
take a squadron leader away from his squadron during a battle he has been given
to fight".
4.2 >After Jupiter: 11-25 July 1944
The
broad picture
The 43rd Wessex Division remained on Hill 112 and the
ridge with furious counter-attacks from Germans and British alternately. The
Churchills of 31 Tank Brigade were in place further north of the ridge to repel
German advances over the ridge.
Montgomery continued to hammer at different parts of
the German front, and the next major effort was towards the ridge to the west
of 112. The 15th Scottish plus a brigade of Royal Welsh Fusiliers (53 Div) with
34 Tank Brigade in support executed Operation Greenline. This had as its
objectives the villages of Esquay, Evrecy, Gavrus and Bougy. The latter two
were taken, the former two not; but the Germans were kept busy and engaged from
15 to 18 July. During this time preparations were being made for Operation
Goodwood, a thrust to the south on the eastern side of Caen. This was made by
all three armoured divisions at that time in Normandy, 7th, 11th, and Guards;
it started on 18 July.
The attack was preceded by a massive air bombardment.
But the Germans had very effective anti-tank forces in depth, and the British
tanks ground to a blazing halt on 20 July.
On that day, far away to the east, a bomb exploded at
1242 hrs. Adolf Hitler did not die, but the repercussions of the explosion
caused uncertainties and hesitations to run down the chain of the German higher
command. In a short time this showed benefits to the allied forces, but not to
the Canadians who assaulted the Verrieres ridge in Operation Spring on 25 July.
Sixty men of the Royal Hamilton Light Infantry reached the summit, 15 came
back, and 342 lay dead or wounded on the ridge's forward slopes. It was much
the same for the other Canadian units.
But on this same day the allied strategy triumphed.
Goodwood might have been a tactical failure, but strategically it succeeded.
The Germans, expecting a further assault, brought in fresh troops from east of
the Seine and shifted a Panzer division east from the Caumont sector. There
were now seven panzer and seven infantry divisions facing fourteen British
divisions, while twenty-one American divisions faced two panzer, one panzer
grenadier, and six infantry divisions. Operation Cobra was launched at Saint-Lτ
on 25 July. During the period 11-25 July 9 RTR as part of 31 Tank Brigade
remained in a counter-attack role, mainly just north of the Hill 112 Chateau
de Fontaine ridge.
The War Diary
July 11/12
Battalion remained in the
same location north-east of Mouen, obtaining reinforcements and replacements
which included ten Mark VII Churchills, at the same time standing by to assist
7 RTR who were still in the area Hill 112 in a counter-attack role. Major P.N. (Berry)
Veale, M.C., was promoted and transferred to be CO of 7 RTR, who had lost both
their CO and 2 i/c on 10 July.
July 13 to 16
Battalion moved to Les
Saullets just north of Cheux to rest, and on the night of July 16 moved to
relieve 7 RTR in counter-attack role at Chateau de Fontaine and Hill 112. 129
Brigade (43 Div) were the infantry in that area. Battalion moved into position
in the area of Gournay at last light, and all crews began digging deep holes in
which to sleep.
Just after 2300 hours, following
mortar and shell fire, the harbour area was machine-gunned and bombed by six
Junkers 88's. The CO, Lt-Col Paddy Everard, was wounded in the head and back,
Trooper Stan Agar was killed, and Troopers Bell, Edmunds, Sharpe and Wright
were wounded, as well as L/Cpl Cunningham and Cpl Cove. Major Bob Warren took
over command.
Shelling and mortaring
continued throughout the night.
July 17
At first light HQ, B and C
Squadrons moved out to an area about one mile due north of Hill 112, squadrons
deployed with two troops up. Mortaring continued throughout the day, and in
retaliation a shoot was carried out by all 75 and 95mm guns, resulting in the
silencing of a machine-gun that had been worrying the infantry.
An SP was forced to disclose
its position and infantry reported a Panther set on fire, but no confirmation
was available. At 1930 hrs a further shoot was made on the centre of St. Martin
which drew heavy retaliation from enemy mortars resulting in three minor
casualties.
Jul 18/19
Very similar to July 17
intervals of mortar and shell fire. Recces and plans were made for
counter-attack roles. Shoot carried out on a wood on Hill 112 reported to
harbour three Tigers. Lt-Col P.N. Veale was transferred back from 7 RTR and
assumed command of the Battalion.
July 21
At 1430 hrs an enemy
counter-attack threatened and B Squadron moved up to the crest to give moral
support to the infantry. Heavy mortaring resulted in Major Bob Warren being
wounded in the right hand and side, his wireless -operator Sgt. Mick Tito
having his right hand blown off, and Cpl Reg Southern and Bert Wilcox also
being wounded.
No counter-attack developed,
but a party towed away a number of dead cows whose stench did more to lower
morale than persistent mortaring and shelling.
7 RTR were brought up into
the area to attack Maltot corresponding with a Canadian attack on Etavaux.
Following the attack and corresponding with a Canadian attack on St. Andre sur
Orne 9 RTR were ordered to be prepared to attack Feuguerolles sur Orne and St.
Martin.
July 22
1815 hrs. Support given to 7
RTR attack on Maltot with 75 and 95mm fire aimed at nebelwerfers in area 70
ring contour just north of St. Martin. First shoot drew heavy mortaring but
there was no reply to the second shoot. During this time Major Holden got mixed
up with his slidex and reported "dead". Persisting in this report, he
was advised to call skeleton O groups.
[Note: Slidex was a system for coding map references
and other information to keep them secure from the enemy].
July 23/25
The intensity of mortaring
and shelling decreased and a further shoot was carried out on an 88 located on
Hill 112, but no further orders were received concerning attack on Feuguerolles
and St. Martin. On 25 July, after watching rocket-firing Typhoons brassing up
enemy position south of Caen, the Battalion received orders to move to Fontenay
Le Pesnil.
After nine days of air attack
at night and shelling and mortaring at all times during the day and night, no
one was sorry to leave.
The attack on Feuguerolles
and St. Martin which was to have been done down a valley dominated on both
sides by enemy positions had not promised to be the best of adventures either.
Personal recollections 11-25
July
The War Diary records the continuous bombardment of
the area just north and east of Hill 112. This was a constant theme in all the
accounts of these few days. John Hodges:
"16 July:
We moved up at dusk to take over a counter-attack role
from 7 RTR at Gournay just north of pt 112. Here we remained until 26th July,
losing each day three or four men from mortar fire. During the whole of this
period the place was mortared and shelled all day long and we lived in holes
beneath the tanks. At night there was always a visit from German bombers and
heavy shelling, so one way or another there was little sleep. On the first
night we had hardly stopped the engines before the bombers were over dropping
flares and bombs. One landed between the CO's tank and mine. He was underneath
his with two of the crew. One was killed and the CO badly spattered with
shrapnel and was evacuated. Geoff Brewer, who was standing on top of the CO's
tank, was blown off but suffered little more than a severe shaking!
Altogether it was a most unpleasant night and our
casualties were four killed and a score injured. I joined forces with Bob
Warren who took over command. On the 19th July Berry Veale came back to us as
CO from 7 RTR.
B Squadron had to go forward as a counter-attack was
reported. A mortar bomb fell on Bob Warren's operator's flaps making a pretty
good mess of Sergeant Tito. Bob wasn't too bad but will probably lose a couple
of fingers. Mike Reynell took over B Squadron".
During the shoots carried out by the Battalion between
22 and 24 July the Recce Officers of the Squadrons acted as forward observation
officers. Taffy Leyshon explains how it was with C Squadron:
"Hill 112 all the tanks were lined up as if ready
for attack, no camouflage, shelling and mortaring morning, noon and night. C
Squadron HQ Troop had Major Holden's and Capt Link's 95mm howitzers. Capt Kidd
who was my officer had a scout car and a tank. Once I drove the scout car with
Trooper Patchett towards the German lines and hid behind a knocked out tank.
Capt Kidd then crawled out with field glasses and intercom and sent messages to
Patchett; Major Holden's tank would fire a shot, two adjustments then Capt Kidd
crawled back. Get out quick he said.
We used the gun next day to support an infantry
patrol. A spandau machine gun opened up on them, Major Holden was in communication
with the officer, and three shots put the spandau out".
Jock Cordiner was upset and embarrassed by mortars:
"Mortar bombs gave me the creeps. On Hill 112 I
had gone some 200 yards to the loo, that delightful hole in the middle of
nowhere topped with a wooden seat and surrounded by a canvas screen. No sooner
was I comfortable than a moaning minnie attack started. I dashed for cover, my
pants around my legs and my shirt tail flapping in the breeze, jeered and
cheered by half the squadron. Just before that, while still with HQ, Brad and I
had dug holes and were asleep behind the lines. It was raining hard and our
holes were sodden, but safe. We were awakened by the Duty Officer and ordered
to drive to Hill 112 with something very urgent. We were groping our way along
the black lanes when a severe air attack started. We both dived out of the
Humber into a ditch on top of a few startled infantrymen. When the raid moved
on we did also. As we came uphill towards the tanks a bomb or shell caught an
ammunition dump just off the road and almost simultaneously another hit a fuel
dump on the other side of the road. We were silhouetted, roasted, and in severe
danger of being blown apart. I never knew a Humber could be driven so
fast".
In the confusion of this sort of action, and because
of casualties and transfers, it happened sometimes that people were left very
much to their own devices. Almost invariably they did their very best to get
back to where they could be useful. Jack Woods:
"My next taste of action was during the Maltot
battle. After a lengthy journey seemingly all over the bridgehead the echelon
decided to laager in a field strewn with enemy slit trenches, guess what?
surprise, surprise, we were heavily stonked, suffering casualties including
some fatalities so off we went again on another joy-ride finally catching up
with the tanks where they had laagered for the night and servicing them in the
dark. The next day, I was off again, this time to Brigade Workshops with a tank
requiring an engine change and where I was instructed to stay with it until it
was repaired. Needless to say nobody else had heard of that order and once the
A.R.V. had dumped me in a field near the workshops, I was forgotten about for a
day or two, eating and sleeping with the fitters and nobody the least bit
concerned about who I was and what I was doing there and where for all anybody
cared I could have nicely sat out the rest of the war. I soon got cheesed off
with that however, there was nowhere to go as everything was mined so I
reported in for further orders much to the surprise of the R.E.M.E. bods who
quickly shipped me off to the Forward Delivery Squadron".
Sitting on the reverse slope of Hill 112 was not a
totally painful recollection for everyone. John Stone remembered two items
connected with food:
"At one place round there we were in a potato
field. All we had to do to get fresh spuds was to do a neutral turn in the
field, and hey presto, a bucketful. Somehow we seemed to have plenty of time to
experiment with food. The compo packs (a box containing tinned and similar food
for fifteen men for one day) were really quite good. There was a problem with
the tea, however. A tin contained pre-mixed powdered tea, powdered milk and
powdered sugar. The question was, how to brew it? The tea needed infusing and
the milk simmering, and a proper compromise seemed unattainable. We tried all
sorts of ways, but our favourite was to brew it for 30 minutes, and then add
three spoonfuls of sugar per cup. The original Sergeant-Major's
tea!"
Trevor Greenwood describes some of the food his crew
obtained, and then the problem of disposing of the end product.
"Boiled chicken for lunch: didn't have any
myself. Have no stomach for local poultry or livestock. Everything seems
diseased and lifeless, but this must be my imagination. My four colleagues
really enjoyed the chicken....with boiled potatoes, grown locally. Most of the
crews now seem to have a dead chicken hanging on their tanks. There are many
more running wild in nearby village, also many tame rabbits. Know of at least
one crew, in B, who have shot a young calf...and had veal!
Believe we are moving "in" again this
evening: to relieve 7th who are standing by on Hill 112. Troop officers out on
reccy this morning. Have done a reccy myself, with Bill Geary. Neither of us
are partial to "rears" in full view of everyone. And our present lav.
is about the worst we have had so far. We explored the ruined village...but too
many troops about. Went as far as a wood half a mile away...but everywhere
there are troops, hoards of them. Eventually, we had to swallow our pride...and
perform very publicly. I was amused by the easy going manner in which my crew
solved the urinary problem on Monday during the action. We were several hours
at a stretch inside the vehicle...and even back in the forward rally, it was
really dangerous to leave the vehicle owing to mortar and snipers. The problem
was solved by using a small empty oil tin...this being passed up to me for
emptying through the hatch, at intervals.
At one of those forward rallys, I had a more urgent
need, and simply had to leave the tank. I crawled beneath the rear with a spade
and dug a hole...I felt fairly safe from mortar...but just as I was hitching up
my pants, there came the ominous "whining", followed by crashes
dangerously near. I simply dived head first further beneath the tank...and
stayed there, literally with my pants down!"
CHAPTER 5: BREAK OUT
5.1 Break-out from the bridgehead
The broad picture
On 25 July the Americans launched Operation Cobra at
Saint Lτ. The attack was preceded by a bombardment of the German positions by
3000 aircraft, and was itself on a six-thousand-yard front with an assault
force of three infantry, one motorized, and two armoured divisions.
The first day's advance was slow, but by nightfall US
VII Corps Commander, General "Lightning Joe" Collins, guessed that
his corps was practically through the German defences. Early next morning he
launched his exploiting force, and here began a campaign of rapid movement. By
30 July VII Corps had reached Avranches, nearly 40 miles from Saint Lτ, and
through this gap poured General George Patton's 3rd US Army, fanning out west,
south, and east. By 6 Aug Patton was approaching Le Mans.
To attempt to stem this flood the Germans transferred
forces from the eastern or British sector of the bridgehead, and to keep the
pressure on the Germans Montgomery attacked south from the area of Caumont in
the direction of Vire on 30 July. Another prong of this attack by the 43rd
Wessex was directed south east, and on 6 Aug the commanding height of Mont
Pinηon was taken. Further to the east again the 59th British Infantry
(Staffordshire) Division was directed to establish a bridgehead across the
River Orne in the area of Goupillieres, north of Thury-Harcourt. This they did
on the evening of 6 Aug.
The War Diary
26 Jul:
After a night march the
Battalion concentrated at Fontenay le Pesnil and here came under command 59
Div. The Battalion had the task of supporting 176 Infantry Brigade in
counter-attack roles on four positions: Haut de Bosq, Rauray, Point 126 and
Brettevillette.
The country in this area had
been heavily mined by the enemy and, consisting of small fields bounded by
thick hedgerows and ditches, was undoubtedly the most difficult tank country
that the Battalion had yet encountered. The field of vision was generally less
than 100 yards and in any deployed movement there could not be any visual
contact between troops. Large tree stumps, torn and gashed by shell-fire, together
with the deep ditches provided natural tank obstacles.
It was essential that each
area was very carefully reconnoitred so that should an emergency arise each
tank commander would know beforehand the exact line of advance of each tank.
These areas were under constant shell and mortar fire, which added to the difficulties,
and at 1800 hrs B Squadron suffered a most unfortunate disaster.
The troop leaders of this
squadron went forward for a rendezvous with Major Reynell, who was then making
his plan just north of Brettevillette. Dismounting from the half-track an
S-mine was exploded, resulting in the deaths of Lieut Smart, Lieut Wolskel, and
Sgt Nicholls. Lieut Beale and Lieut Cargill were wounded and the latter died in
hospital a few days later.
31 July
The reconnaissance and
forming of plans for these counter-attack roles lasted four days and on 31 July
a demonstration was given by two troops of C Squadron with a company of 7
Norfolks of the method that had been adopted in clearing this type of country.
Since 29 July 197 Brigade (59
Div) had been patrolling in strength, sometimes assisted by tanks of 7 RTR. The
general impression gained from prisoners of war was that the enemy were
withdrawing under the pressure of concentrated artillery fire, together with
lack of food, sleep and at times ammunition.
1 Aug
1700 hrs: orders were
received that 59 Div with 31 Tank Brigade in support would capture point 213, 1
mile north east of Villers Bocage on the road to Caen.
The main plan was in two
phases:
Phase 1: 197
Brigade with two squadrons of 7 RTR in support and two troops of C Squadron 22
Dragoons under command to feel forward and contact the enemy
Phase 2: On
contact, attack to be made with two brigades up
Right:
176 Brigade with 9 RTR in support
Left: 177 Brigade with one squadron 7 RTR in
support 26 squadron ARE, 2 troops 22 Dragoons and 304 Anti-Tank SPRA under
command.
9 RTR plan was as follows:
To attack with two squadrons up supporting two
battalions.
Right: C
Squadron in support of 7 Norfolks with flail and AVRE support
Left: A
Squadron in support of 7 S. Staffs with flail and AVRE support
B
Squadron with 6 N. Staffs to give right flank protection while one squadron 7
RTR secured the left flank by attacking area point 142.
2/3 Aug
197 Brigade continued to
patrol forward, meeting little opposition but encountering large quantities of
mines, both anti-tank and S.
3 Aug
1700 hrs: point 142 and Villy
Bocage had been secured and leading infantry were held up 500 yards short of
point 213.
1900 hrs: Battalion less B
Squadron moved to forward assembly area where they were joined by B Squadron
the following morning. No specific orders to attack had yet been received. The
CO went to attend an O group at 0100 hrs only to find it had been cancelled
without him being informed.
4 Aug
By 1200 hrs 197 Brigade
reported that they had crossed the Villers-Bocage to Caen road and that no firm
contact had been made with the enemy. Two hours later 176 Brigade and 9 RTR
were informed that they were now at 30 minutes notice to move. At an O Group
held at 1300 hrs the following orders were given:
9 RTR supporting the 176
Brigade to secure high ground formed by points 158, 185 and 192 (area 2-3 miles
south-east of Villers Bocage).
Method: A Squadron with 7 S. Staffs to point
158
C
Squadron with 7 N. Staffs to point 185
B
Squadron with 6 N. Staffs to point 192.
BHQ
to be at Le Mesnil Hervieu and 176 HQ at Epinay-Sur-Odon.
1500 hrs: Battalion begins to
move. Orders were received from Divisional source that the main road could be
used only as far as Les Fains owing to mines. From there on a cross-country
route, which had been beaten by flails, would be used. The main road was
subsequently cleared, however, and the squadrons ferrying their infantry as far
as Villers Bocage pushed on to their objectives which they reached by night
fall.
This being the first occasion
on which it had been possible to make any substantial advance the road became
blocked with traffic. Villers Bocage had become a veritable bottleneck so BHQ
moved along the cross-country route and waited to allow the road to clear. Here
further orders were given by the Commander of 176 Brigade for the following
day. The intention of the Brigade was to make a thrust to contact the enemy,
and if possible to gain a bridgehead across the River Orne.
An advance was to be made on
two lines converging on Goupillieres, on the right A Squadron with 7 S Staffs
and on the left C Squadron with 7 Norfolks.
B Squadron with 6 N. Staffs
to remain in reserve with 271 Anti-Tank Battery. Reserve to be called forward
by bounds.
Vanguard on each route was to
comprise:
2 troops of tanks and two
sections of carriers; a tactical gap; a troop of AVRE (Armoured Vehicles Royal
Engineers) and foot sappers, and two sections of carriers. The vanguard was to
be followed by the main body consisting of all the remaining sub-units.
H-hour: 0615 hrs 5 Aug.
At 2230 hrs, however,
information was received that as from 0600 hrs 5 Aug 31 Tank Brigade were to
come under command 1 Corps, and that present role should be handed over to 107
RAC of 34 Tank Brigade. Squadrons now had to concentrate in BHQ area using
routes that would not interfere with the advance of 176 Brigade. This resulted
in Capt. J.M. Paterson, who was guiding a replenishment packet, being blown up
in his scout car. He and Trooper Stubbs were wounded, and Trooper Cliff Smale
was killed.
The Battalion did not leave
this location, however, until 6 Aug. The day's rest was appreciated but was in
a sense superfluous; being able to advance in miles per day without suffering
heavy casualties was a great tonic for everyone after the grim battles of Cheux
and Maltot, where advances were measured in only hundreds of yards.
Note: 176 Brigade with 107
RAC did cross the Orne on 6 Aug at Goupillieres, and established a bridgehead
in the area Brieux-Grimbosq. They were counter-attacked heavily by Panthers on
7 Aug, and on 8 Aug their B Squadron crossed to the bridgehead with 11 tanks.
At the end of the day they were reduced to two fightable tanks, but the
bridgehead held. For this action three officers of 107 RAC were awarded the MC
and a corporal the MM.
Personal recollections 26
July - 6 Aug
Trevor Greenwood's diary describes the farewell to
Hill 112:
"Jerry gave us a parting farewell last evening.
First of all, we were mortared...followed by a bombing raid. We were partly
under cover, by a hedgerow, when the bombers came over just before midnight: we
remained very still and quiet...and nervous! Several bombs whistled down ominously...but
not too close to us. Maybe their targets were the nearby artillery. It must
have been a fairly extended raid because AA fire was visible all along the
front...followed by dull red glowing on the clouds as fires broke out.
Our journey commenced midnight: pitch dark. Nearing
the Odon more mortars came over. Crossed the river at a "ford": and
then were allowed to use convoy lights...a tiny rear glimmer which helped a
lot.
The northern hillside of the Odon valley was an
amazing sight. Several miles of it were visible to us as we left the river:
visible because of the searchlights, and the long lines of artillery constantly
blazing away. Shells screamed over our heads...audible above the roar of our
own vehicles. The entire hillside seemed to be alive, constantly spitting forth
great long tongues of vivid white flame as each gun fired. The whole scene
carried a background of leaping and waving searchlights, and red tracer A.A.,
literally pouring upwards at the bombers. Personal precautions are impossible
under such conditions. No question of keeping ones head down in the turret...a
commander simply has to observe the
ground to help the driver in the darkness.
Half an hour later, we had left the valley, and headed
west for our destination Fontenay-le-Pesnil...via Marcelet. We travelled flat
out...away from the guns and bombers. A ridiculous speed, but fortunately the
road was perfectly straight and fairly free from obstructions...very few
low-hanging telephone wires etc.
Reached harbour 1.30a.m....in a field: I expected we
would have been at least 2 hours later. Most of the crews settled down for an
hour or twos sleep inside the tanks. Few of us remained on guard. We are still
fairly close to Jerry here...about 2.5 miles. At 4.30a.m., our forward M.G.
units opened up with heavy fire...about a mile south. And then jerry replied
with H.E. shells. Had to take cover.
Had an hours' sleep on gear-box hatch 6-7a.m.
Breakfast...and then maintenance on vehicles and guns. They needed it. Infantry
here are North and South Staffs: seem a decent lot of fellows. We are already
indebted to them for potatoes, ciggys and tea. Have been out here a month on
Tilly sector and Caen area".
John Hodges recalls the move from Hill 112 to
Fontenay-Le-Pesnil:
"26 July: We moved to Fontenay-Le-Pesnil for a
couple of days rest. An immediate recce was ordered with infantry of 59
Division as we were in a counter-attack role. During this recce at
Brettevillette B Squadron Troop Leaders received a severe set-back. They were
in a sunken road when some mortars fell in the next field. Freddie Smart and
Sergeant Nicholls were instantly killed. Peter Beale and Jimmy Cargill badly
injured. Later Cargill died in hospital. We buried them all in a wood near
Fontenay-Le-Pesnil". (The cause of
these casualties was in fact an S-mine: Ed).
Peter Beale remembers the occasion very vividly:
"We went on this recce in the fitters' half-track
and Nicky (Fitter Sergeant Bill Nicholls) was driving. We hadn't been in the
area before, and didn't see the "mines in verges" sign at the
beginning of the lane. We got out at a point from where we could go forward to
meet Mike, and some of us got on the bank to look over into the field.
Suddenly, bang! I felt as though I had been hit in the back with a sledge
hammer, and fell to the ground. I found I could get up, and moved over to
Freddie. Help me, he said. I took out the morphia syringe we all had to deal
with pain and injected it into his forearm. But both his legs were smashed to
pieces from the thighs down and he died in five minutes. Poor dear Fred, such a
good friend".
Mines were most unpleasant things, and the S mine was
very nasty for the individual. It was the shape and size of a tin of baked
beans, and was activated by its detonator prongs. The prongs were depressed by
a foot treading on them, and the detonator was activated. The prongs were
released when the person's foot moved off them, and two explosions took place
one after the other. The first one blew the can three feet in the air, and the
second one exploded the can and its contents of metal pellets. One description
of the effects of an S mine suggests that both legs would be amputated and the
man might survive; but if he was not a father already, he had lost his
chance.
Jack Woods found himself at the Forward Delivery
Squadron in late July, and it was not a place entirely to his liking:
"The Forward Delivery Squadron, there's a
prospect to cheer a body, it lived up to its reputation, the days I spent there
were days too many and I was relieved to be sent back to the Battalion in a
replacement tank commanded by Sergeant Dickie Hall. We joined the Battalion
convoy as they were moving through Villers Bocage towards the River Orne taking
on board infantry of the 7th Royal Norfolks, 59 Div, en route, finally
deploying before the river in what Captain Sidney Link, 2 i/c C Squadron
described as an arrow in the next day's Daily Mirror. We thought that we were
destined to cross the river the next day, but no, we were pulled out and
despatched to the other end of the bridgehead to support 49 Div and the
Canadians in the battles to close the Falaise gap. En route I was transferred
to B Squadron where I joined the crew of a Troop Leader's tank 'Inspire IV'
where I remained for the rest of my service with the 9th. Lt. David Scott
became Troop Leader roughly the same time and the rest of the crew were,
Troopers Bob Hay, a gritty Brummie, Cyril 'Smudger' Smith and Len Lennard a
German Jew with a penchant for disappearing for the night whenever we laagered and
majicking himself a woman out of nowhere. The War Diaries will record what
further actions 9 Troop took part in in Normandy, the bowels of a Churchill
Tank are no place to acquire an intimate knowledge of the terrain covered, that
had to be left to those who knew? it was mostly 1000 yard jobs from Point A to
Point B, remaining on the objective all day and pulling back at dusk to service
the tank and get a hot meal if
possible".