CHAPTER 8:  ACCESS TO ANTWERP

     

    The Broad Picture: aftermath of Arnhem, release of Antwerp

    The 11th Armoured Division captured the docks of Antwerp intact on 4 September 1944. On 28 November 1944 the first allied convoys reached those docks. Antwerp was then a port capable of handling 40,000 tons a day; its position, relatively close to England, close to the borders of Germany, and easily defensible by allied sea-power, made it by far the most desirable port to supply the allied armies. Why did it take so long to free the approaches to the port? And what did this mean to the 9th?

     

    The advantage and the disadvantage of Antwerp as a port is that it is some 45 miles from the North Sea. This location makes it a very accessible point for collection and distribution. But it also means in time of war that the banks of the River Scheldt, on which it stands, must be clear of enemy occupation all the way to the sea. In early September the German XV Army occupied this part of the north European coast. Its commander, General von Zangen, took two principal actions after the defeat of the German army in Normandy. The first was to send some 82,000 first line troops and 530 guns to the east, where they could threaten the left flank of the north-eastern push of 21 Army Group. The second was to leave two divisions, one on each side of the mouth of the Scheldt estuary. That on the southern side was the 64th Infantry Division. It was a "leave" division, made up of veterans of the Russian, Italian or Norwegian theatres who were home on leave in July 1944 and was thus composed of experienced soldiers. Their commander, Lieut-General Eberding, was also an experienced and determined officer.

     

    The German force on the island of Walcheren, the northern shoulder of the Scheldt estuary, was not quite so formidable or well-led. It was the 70th Infantry Division, generally known as the "White Bread Division". This was because all its members suffered from some sort of stomach disorder, and it was felt easier administratively to group all into one unit where their special dietary needs could be supplied. They would have no real excuse for going sick, as they would in any other unit.

     

    The promptness of General von Zangen was not matched with the same promptness and perception by Lt. Gen Brian Horrocks commanding the British XXX Corps. Horrocks writes in his book "Corps Commander":

    "It never entered my head that the Scheldt would be heavily mined, so that Antwerp could not be used as our forward base for some time; or, worse still, that the Germans would ferry away more than 80,000 troops of their XV Army plus 530 guns. If I had ordered Roberts (Major General Pip Roberts, commanding 11th Armoured Division) to bypass Antwerp and advance for only 15 miles north-west to cut off the Beveland Isthmus the whole of this force - which played such a prominent part in the subsequent fighting - might have been destroyed or forced to surrender. My eyes were fixed on the Rhine, and I knew that XII Corps were coming up on my left, and the Canadian Army on their left again".

     

    Horrocks is very fair in admitting that he made a strategic error. His superiors were General Miles Dempsey, commanding the British 2nd Army, and Monty, commanding 21st Army Group. We do not know what Dempsey's thoughts on this matter were, but Monty was not quite so fair, as his Memoirs (p 285) attest: "Some have argued that I ignored Eisenhower's orders to give priority to opening up the port of Antwerp, and that I should not have attempted the Arnhem operation until this had been done. This is not true. There were no such orders about Antwerp and Eisenhower had agreed about Arnhem".

     

    The correct strategy is very easy in hindsight, particularly 50 years later. But as a result of strategic and tactical decisions taken on both sides Arnhem was not taken in September 1944 and the port of Antwerp was not accessible for nearly three months after it had been taken. The needs immediately after the failure at Arnhem (26 Sept) were to:

         protect and enlarge the flanks of the Nijmegen salient

         free the approaches to the port of Antwerp

         move up to the south bank of the River Maas as a firm northern flank for the allied forces if the campaign should be prolonged into 1945.

    The 9th helped with the first task as soon as it arrived in Holland. Its task in relation to the second is well described by Eversley Belfield, who was then the pilot of an air observation post Auster. He describes the battle to free the northern bank of the River Scheldt. "On the extreme left edge of this northern flank of the conflict the Germans resisted even more desperately, throwing in the Battle Group Chill, one of their toughest formations that had originally formed to stem the British advance beyond Brussels. The key position here was the village of Woensdrecht that commanded the mainland approach to the South Beveland Isthmus. Although the 2nd Canadian Division soon obtained a foothold on the base of the isthmus it was held up there from 7 to 16 October, losing very heavily in a series of unsuccessful frontal attacks, there being no possible way here of outflanking the German defences. The stalemate was ended only when the 4th Canadian Armoured and the 49th British Division pressed forward farther inland to capture Bergen op Zoom and Roosendaal, thus sealing off the South Beveland isthmus".

     

    The story of the 9th in October 1944 is told in two parts. The first describes how it helped to protect and push out the north-western flank of the Nijmegen salient. The second deals with the approach to and the capture of Roosendaal as part of the freezing of the Scheldt waterway.

     

    8.1            Enlarging the Nijmegen Salient

                The War Diary, 8 - 16 October 1944

    Oct 8            Arriving in Holland, the Battalion came under command 51 (Highland) Division and were given the task of preparing to meet any counter-attack from the north west against Eindhoven and also to worry the enemy by carrying out repeated raids.

                B Squadron and Recce Troop were still awaiting transporters in France; meanwhile, C Squadron established themselves at Zonsche and A Squadron at Acht.

    Oct 9   The first two raids by C Sqn were carried out in support of 152 Brigade, operating in the area of Best. Captain Link and 11 Troop supporting 5 Camerons advanced in north west direction east of road Eindhoven - Boxtel and combed woods in that area.

                Major Holden with two tanks supported 2 Seaforths in an advance west, crossing the road/rail junction and shooting up a suspected Company HQ.

    Oct 10 A Squadron was now given the role of supporting 153 Brigade and moved to St. Oedenrode where HQ also established itself.

    1330    13 & 15 Troops under OC "C" Squadron supporting an assault troop of Derby Yeo (51 Recce Regiment) carried out a very successful raid on wood west of Donderdonk. Fire support was given by artillery, 4.2in mortars, and medium machine guns. Three Spandaus were silenced before the beating of the wood began and finally one Sgt. and 33 ORs from 6 Company 1034 Grenadier Regiment were taken prisoner. The ground was exceedingly soft and intersected by ditches and considerable skill was shown by tank commanders in completing the operation without any vehicles being bogged. It is said some tanks came out like speed-boats with noses well up in the air. There were no casualties among our troops.

    Oct 11 Was a complete day of maintenance and rest, but 12 October found C Squadron busy again.

    Oct 12 OC "C" Squadron with 14 troop carried out a raid on houses in the same area and generally shot up line of railway tracks

                During the afternoon B Squadron and Recce Troop arrived and were allotted a reserve role. During the evening St. Oedenrode was shelled, resulting in Troopers Snowy Fisher and Ellis and Corporal Moore, who were relaxing in a pub, being wounded. Shelling continued throughout the night and though a number of houses were destroyed there were no further casualties.

    Oct 13 C Squadron still busy. Another raid with 5 Camerons. Enemy withdrew hurriedly but 8 of them were killed and one prisoner of war taken, whose identity proved to be 5 Coy 1036 Grenadier Regiment.

                A day of rest followed and then A Squadron did their first raid which had as an object the collecting of prisoners for identification. The area chosen was enemy positions west of Donderdonk. The first phase was concentrations by Brigade artillery and heavy mortars and also medium machine gun fire. This was followed by about 30 minutes of tank movement and then a broadcast was made to say that the enemy faced a considerable force and would thus show discretion by deserting, and a smoke screen was laid to give cover to our lines. 15-20 Germans were seen to move towards the lines of 5/7 Gordons. Two prisoners were brought back on the tanks and three Spandaus were destroyed.

    Oct 16            Information was now received that the Battalion role was to be handed over to 33 Armoured Brigade and the necessary arrangements were made. This week of harassing raids had proved quite enjoyable, for every night the troops returned to the comfort of billets and were spared the discomfort of living in open fields. It is perhaps worthwhile noting that at no time during these raids did the enemy infantry make use of any anti-tank weapon.

    Personal recollections, Nijmegen salient

    Beside recollections of the actions in which they took part, many people commented in this period on the different attitudes found in Belgium and Holland on the one hand, and in France on the other. Also it was now October, and it was cold and often wet. Billets of any kind – and they were of many kinds – were certainly preferable to tank bivvies. For these few days there was also the RAF like situation where you went out and fought during the  day and came back to comfortable and reasonably safe billets at night.

    Adjutant John Hodges briefly describes some of the Battalion movements.

    "8th October

    Left Mol and harboured at Eindhoven in Holland. 30 miles today. Dutch people very friendly and found billets for Headquarters forward. A and C Squadrons go forward in a watching role. B Squadron not yet arrived. People and kids have been a perfect pest today – by far the worst we've come across. I now know what the lions at the zoo feel like!

    10th October

    Headquarters moved up into the line at St. Oedenrode, 11 miles from last harbour. Rained solidly all day. Everybody very wet and inclined to be short tempered. Now established in the Town Square. C Squadron had a small party and took 30 prisoners around the area of Best.

    12 October

    Still at St. Oedenrode. B Squadron and recce troop join up with us. Shells fell in town during the evening and the night. Three casualties of ours – 31 civilians.

    16 October

    Moved back to Eindhoven on our way to take up new positions and spent a night in a wood factory. Very wet.

    17th October

    Moved to Bergeneinde, 4 miles east of Turnhout. 32 miles back to Belgium again and notice of difference in cleanliness! However we all have billets of sorts and as the weather isn't too good, we must be thankful".

    When Dickie Hall arrived in Eindhoven he also found billets with a Dutch family: "The father worked at the Phillips factory. He was most impressed that the RAF had managed to "post" a bomb right into a vital area, and not into other parts where there would have been many casualties. It was becoming extremely cold now. Near the village of Best we made a few sallies up the road and over the canal to harry the Germans, who were still quite near. We held south of the railway line, the Germans north. Our Squadron leader, Ronnie Holden, told me he wanted to attack a German dining hut just over the railway line, and I was to go along. We drove up the village street abreast, and while Ronnie blasted the Germans (I think it was their dinner time) my gunner Johnnie Oakley put down a lot of fire to our left. We had surprised them, and we came away without drawing any fire.

     

    One night in this period we slept in a long covered way which contained a row of bee-hives. In my efforts to obtain some honey, I dropped the frame. Thinking I had put all the sleepy bees back in the hive, we had our 'honey' tea. Later, as we slept in our blankets, the air began to be full of much swearing as the bees became active with the warmth!"

    Jack Woods remembers – and doesn't remember – these ten days: "We travelled through the night (the one and only time I saw Brussels) finally arriving in Eindhoven where we stayed for ten days in civvy billets, the Dutch population not allowing us to sleep with our tanks. The story of that ten days is a bit of a blur, and on returning to Eindhoven in 1990 I was taken to the area – but I couldn't remember the family I stayed with or the house, only the area".

    Fred Glasspool of C Squadron remembers the family he stayed with, as well as the other tank crews staying in the house from a photo taken at the time. "The photo was taken by the Cornelius family in Eindhoven. Our tank (15 Troop Leader Seymour Francis') had broken down and Sgt. Trevor Greenwood had been left with  us. Along with me in the photo are John 'Smudger' Smith, who was killed at Vinkenbroek, "Titch' Mead, who was wounded in the same action, and John Davis who died when our billets caught fire in Roosendaal. We rejoined the squadron at Best, and took part in 'heavy reconnaissance' with infantrymen riding on top of the tanks".

    The first Battalion Newsletter contains two items about this period, the first from the A Squadron scribe:

    "On October 8 we were in Holland, and found ourselves in St. Oedenrode. Here we were with the 51st Division and did one little party with them when our 2 i/c Ken Kidd and Roy Clarkson, commanding 4 Troop, with four tanks shot up a couple of spandau positions and brought in two very dejected looking prisoners. Again, no casualties".

    The second item was from C Squadron and was rather longer:

    "Then Eindhoven. Here a big halt by the complete battalion, tanks, cars, trucks, bicycles, everything, but what now? Still we were in the dark. We were near the Boche once again and yet no sound of gunfire.

    C Squadron were wanted immediately for a job. We are off again, passing over the Wilhelmina canal, and we find ourselves once more among the wreckage of battle.

    Settling ourselves into a tiny modern hamlet on the outskirts of Best, we were allotted the RAC cum RAF task of daily raids into enemy territory. These were partly for hate, partly for testing their defences, and partly for the amusement of the troops in the line at that point.

    Our raids were most successful. Each day found us on another part of the front, and we carried out some pretty harrowing expeditions into the dark forests. We always expected unknown quantities, but in fact never met any except the day we collected 34 prisoners and found we had no escort party for them".

    Trevor Greenwood's diary explains how he came to be in the Cornelius (Cornelese) household, and what happened afterwards:

    "Sunday 8 Oct 1944 (D + 124)

    Reveille 5.30am – ready to move 7.0am – and soon on the way – to Eindhoven in Holland. Route:- Lommel, Luyksgestel, Bergeijk, Westerhoven, Steensel – and then round the western suburbs to the north side of the town. We crossed the Dutch border at 9.0am – and once again the houses and buildings were displaying red white and blue flags – this time the Dutch flag. Our welcome through the Dutch village was at least as warm and enthusiastic as in Belgium – but this time there was less fruit. Near Stausch, Mr. Francis commandered my vehicle – his own having developed bogie trouble. So once again I became a one vehicle convoy – the E.M.E (Electrical and Mechanical Engineer) ordering us to proceed to harbour very slowly.

    Had a brew before moving off – and the first civvy who came along spoke fluent English. We chatted for an hour. He had left his own village, and studies, 14 months before, and had since been in hiding on a farm to avoid deportation to Germany with the labour conscripts. He told us of the smuggling of British pilots across the border to Belgium – a first hand account of something we only dimly believed before.

    Passing through Eindhoven, we stopped two or three times to confirm the route - and always there were people around who could speak English.

    We found the unit parked by the roadside on the main road north of the town – once again in a residential area, and with the usual crowds gathered around. But the people were well dressed – maybe because it was Sunday. There were groups around every tank – all speaking English. Once again, invitations were issued liberally, and we all hoped to stay the night.

    This is a fairly large town – and seemingly fairly prosperous, due probably to the huge works of Phillips, one of the largest and most modern factories I have ever seen. It was captured by us intact. We are all much impressed by the Dutch people. They obviously have a high educational standard and seem very progressive. The houses too are neat and tidy, and everywhere seems spotlessly clean. But their hatred of the Germans! It is too deep for words. Everyone I have spoken to has the same unutterable loathing of the 'swines'.

    Later. The squadron moved off north to a point about four miles away – it is the front line of the base of our Arnhem salient. Our job at present is to protect the flanks from counter attack. The scene before they moved off was totally unreal – crowds of well dressed civilians, some with prams, or dogs, or cycles – all enjoying friendly conversation with our lads. It was a typical Sunday afternoon crowd – just out for a walk ...And yet – only five or six miles away were the Germans – and our lads were going out to fight them – leaving this peaceful atmosphere – for what? In Normandy, any point five miles behind the front line was usually a shambles – and subject to artillery fire – with the dreadful smell of death everywhere...But here ---! It is obvious that Jerry has no big weapons in the locality otherwise there would be a different story. Already he has tried to bomb the Phillips works since our occupation, but he failed.

    I am remaining in Eindhoven for the night. The tank has to be repaired here, and not forward where there may be enemy artillery. The crew have already got accommodation – and have had to refuse at least a dozen offers. I am sleeping in the house of Mr. Slaats and the other four in two nearby houses. We are having meals with Mr. Cornelese – a member of the local underground group. Everyone here is anxious to help: we are literally embarrassed by their kindness".

    Trevor stayed with the Slaats and Cornelese families for three days while the tank was being repaired, and then moved up to rejoin the main body of C Squadron.

    "Wednesday 11 Oct 1944 D+127

    A fine morning – thank goodness. But a bad day for us: we will have to move up to the squadron at lunch time – dinner will be our last meal with Mr. Cornelese, for the time being, at any rate. He is taking a photo of the crew before we depart. No heavy activity at the front – we seem to be carrying out 'nuisance' raids on the enemy.

    Later. Here I am back with the squadron. We are in a defensive position about 4 miles north of Eindhoven. Our billet is a small, but new and well built cottage. It must have been vacated hurriedly because it is fully furnished, with drawers etc full of clothing. There is a canary – still living – some puppies, a large rabbit – and a clock in working order. Presumably the owners departed 3 or 4 weeks ago when our airborne troops landed. The house has probably been used since by our troops. The electric light has been disconnected, so we have improvised electric lighting from the tank parked in the front garden. Fortunately, the house is equipped with excellent black-outs – Jerry is only a mile or so from here across the nearby railway line.

    Today, I have heard artillery and mortar fire for the first time for some weeks. We are located between our mortars and the enemy, and have now to re-accustom myself to mortars --- ours have been whining overhead all afternoon.

    The lads are playing cards in this room - the only room with a light. There are fourteen of us in a tiny living room - it is rather overcrowded, but palatial by comparison with our bivvies. Dicky Hall is nursing a puppy – after feeding it with milk. It was howling terribly an hour ago, but now appears to be asleep.

    Today has been quite fine – I hope it remains so. There is a gaping hole in one of the walls of this house – and half the tiles are missing from the roof; it is hardly waterproof. In spite of this area being in the front line, there are still many civilians living in the neighbourhood in scattered cottages. I think they are foolish; there is a fair amount of mortar and shell fire about. Also, the air is laden with the familiar smell of decaying flesh. There are several dead cattle lying about the fields – reminiscent of Normandy.

    Thursday 12 Oct 1944 D+128

    On guard last night, but it was uneventful. We have to be keenly on the alert here, as enemy patrols have been active and there has been some infiltration through our forward infantry positions. The tiny puppy has been whining this morning. The general verdict is that it is bunged-up. It has been given a powdered bile bean (there are plenty in the house) – with satisfactory results! Mr. Francis brought along another small dog – bomb-happy like most of the animals living in front line areas. It is terrified – and trembles violently all the time. We can but feed it and hope for the best.

    The canary has chirped today! We are not going out today: 14 troop are moving into enemy lines this afternoon.

    Friday 13 Oct 1944 D+129

    Guard last night: - not very pleasant in this front line area. Some bursts of Spandau alarmingly close near midnight – and a few enemy HE shells close by. Our artillery fairly busy also. Gun flashes visible along whole of northern horizon.

    Twelve troop going out today – hoping to bring in more prisoners. "Snowy" Fisher badly hurt by shell in Eindhoven last night. Shells too dropping dangerously close to nearby bridge over canal. Many Typhoons about today - also Spitfires.

    Picture show this afternoon. Slade brought in more chickens this morning. He has now collected half a dozen: they are penned up in the garden here. Two rabbits for lunch. Have a suspicion they were tame ones. The lads say they "caught" them yesterday.

    After lunch, most of the troop went to pictures. Slade and Pestell disappeared elsewhere. They returned an hour later triumphantly escorting a goat. "It's a milker" proudly proclaimed Slade. We have tied it to a post in the garden. Pestell has tried milking it, and it works! We now have fresh milk for the puppy.

    Later. Had a visit from two Dutch Maquis. They brought us a couple of oil lamps. Slade and Pestell again disappeared at tea time. Returned an hour later in a jeep - with two 20 gallon barrels of beer, a sack of sugar, bottles of liqueurs and other odds and ends!!! One of the barrels was immediately opened by chiselling open the plug – and our kitchen was sprayed with froth. For the next ten minutes, there was a mass of struggling humanity around the barrel - some trying to stop the flow, others trying to prevent wastage of the precious fluid by drinking what came out. Some hullabaloo! The sugar will be very useful. Pestell has milked the goat - successfully. And the puppy gobbled most of the milk. The canary is now singing lustily.

    We did some spring cleaning today - and dug a hole to bury the debris, tin cans etc. But the hole had hardly been commenced when a large tin appeared: it contained many skeins of gaily coloured silk wool.

    More digging revealed a carefully covered dustbin. This was later examined, and found to be full of good linen table cloths, clothing, jewellery, pre-war Dutch currency, watches etc. The absent tenants had buried their valuables before fleeing, and we had accidentally stumbled upon the hiding place. We intend to replace everything exactly as found.

    Saturday 14 Oct 1944 D+130

    Informed this afternoon that we are leaving here on Monday and going to a new area near Antwerp. Back to Belgium! And we were paid only yesterday - in Dutch currency! Tomorrow 11 Troop are going out: we remain here.

    Sunday 15 Oct 1944 D + 131

    A few of the lads turned up with small motor bikes this morning, and have been playing with them all day. More loot! 11 Troop went out today but saw only three Jerries; no excitement. We leave here at 3 p.m. tomorrow, and spend the night in Eindhoven – a journey of about 4 miles. Animals all seem ok; three chickens for dinner. Passion truck to Eindhoven this evening. Heavy rain since dusk - guard tonight.

    Monday 16 Oct 1944 D + 132

    Left Best at 2.0pm and harboured Strijp about 3.0pm, 3km west of Eindhoven. We left the animals behind at Best but relieving troops arrived just as we departed and we left instructions for them. At least three of the motor bikes came with us - duly painted and camouflaged!

    8.2            Operations "Rebound" and "Thruster": the capture of Roosendaal

                Extracts from the history of 34 Tank Brigade

    At the beginning of October 1944 34 Tank Brigade consisted of 7 RTR, 9 RTR, 107 Regt RAC (Kings Own Royal Regt) and 147 Regt RAC (Hampshire Regt). On 1 Oct 7 RTR was detached to help in the siege of Dunkirk, where it eventually remained for some four months.

    The remainder of the Brigade took part in the actions north and north east of Eindhoven described in the previous section, and on 14 October passed from the command of 51 Highland Division to that of 49 West Riding Division (the Butcher Bears). 49 Division's task was to push the Germans north to the River Maas, and by doing so to assist the Canadian Army in their push up the Beveland isthmus to free the Scheldt waterway.

    The commander of 49 Division requested 34 Brigade commander, Brigadier W.S. (Wahoo) Clarke to form a mobile task force (Clarkeforce) with the following role: to launch through a gap made by 49 Division (supported by 9 RTR) north of St. Leonard, advance northward to protect the right flank of 4 Canadian Armoured Division, and to gain ground as a spearhead to 49 Division whose main bulk would follow up and take over as opportunity occurred. In the operations that took place Clarkeforce performed as envisaged, launching through a hole made by 9 RTR supporting 56 Infantry Brigade, who speeded the force with all possible help. Thereafter the somewhat tenuous lines of communication connecting Clarkeforce with the rest of 49 Division were subjected to fierce counter-attack from the east by enemy infantry and armour. In operation "Rebound" (19 to 24 October) all the Brigade were heavily involved.

    In operation "Thruster" (26 to 30 Oct) the Hallams with 9 RTR came up on the right flank of Clarkeforce, and then 9 RTR were used fully in capturing Roosendaal. During this time 147 Regt. RAC operated even further east to cover their flank under command 104 (Timberwolf) US Infantry Division, who had come under command 1 British Corps for about a month and were having their initial blooding.

    9 RTR War Diary 19 - 30 Oct 1944

    Note: there are no entries in the War Diary for 17 and 18 October, on which days the Battalion was moving from Eindhoven to just west of Turnhout and getting established in the new area.

    Oct 19     Move to Forward Assembly Area for Operation Rebound in area of St. Leonard.

                Tasks:

    (a)   9 RTR in support of 56 Brigade to clear the enemy from an area between the road through Ostbrecht on the left and a line from Beekhoven to Konings Ven on the right.

    (b)   To relieve Clarkeforce in Leonhout.

    Plan:

    On the right C Squadron with 2 Glos

    On the left A Squadron with 2 SWB (South Wales Borderers)

    B Squadron in reserve with 2 Essex

    In support C Squadron Fife & Forfar Yeomanry (flame throwers)

    C Squadron 22 Dragoons (flails)

    D Oct 20:   H 0730 hrs

    Oct 20        No rain; dull; ground soft after heavy rain.

    0730     Crossed start line. Attacks began well - within 20 minutes C Squadron had advanced 800 yards. Prisoners coming in - no serious opposition. By 0830 C Squadron outpaced Infantry and found a number of Germans in wood and there had to wait for infantry.

                       A Squadron advance slower. By 0805 two troops were busily engaged in Stapelhoede where an anti-tank gun and numerous infantry were causing trouble. One tank out of action. Prisoners had, however, been taken.

                       By 0845, C Squadron had reached a wood close to their objective, having captured 88mm and crew. At 0910 were joined by infantry and clearing up began - more prisoners taken and position clear by 0945.

                       Meanwhile, Stapelhoede was still being cleared but the rear of A Squadron had got to area woods.

    1100           C Squadron with infantry established on final objective - more prisoners had been taken and suspected enemy position to the north engaged - enemy artillery located and dealt with.

    1116           A Squadron  established area Stapelhoede where 75mm and dummy anti-tank guns were captured with 10 prisoners. Fighting Staplehoede finished but other enemy posts to south still to be cleared. By 1330 only occasional opposition was found in the area, which was systematically cleared. 276 prisoners taken during the whole operation.

    1445           C Squadron for rally, leaving one troop for eyes on final objective. To this point A Squadron had lost one tank, and Lieut Terry Smythe and his wireless operator, Cpl Macdonald, had been wounded; C Squadron had had no casualties.

    1430           B Squadron move forward to follow up Clarkeforce. It was however nearly dark before B Squadron and Essex were able to move into Leonhout and as Clarkeforce had not entered the village, B Squadron and Essex sat south of the village during the night.

                       C Squadron laagered with the 2 Glos while A and HQ leaguered area Het Kloester, supplying own patrols from personnel of A Echelon. Recce troop was posted at Chateau de Yeuse. The night was generally quiet with occasional shelling of heavy calibre.

    Oct 21        B Squadron and Essex moved into Leonhout and found little opposition - one anti-tank gun was encountered east of village. A couple of abandoned 88mms were discovered by C Squadron in area north west of Kloester and there was sufficient evidence to presume that they were the guns firing during the night. No further orders. Meanwhile Squadrons to form defensive positions.

    1400           A report of 5 armoured vehicles moving direction Stone bridge. B Squadron warned; later report that 2 tanks destroyed by infantry holding position. During afternoon occasional shelling by guns of heavy calibre - suspected firing from area north west. Shelldrake informed.

    Oct 22     Raid by 2 Troops C Squadron and Recce troop to harass enemy positions on right flank. C move east, shoot wood and shoot up houses in Steinhoven and Hiebart, retiring south to original area. 21 enemy killed; 2 prisoners taken; 1 half track; 1/75mm; 1/50 mm; 1/20mm destroyed. Recce troop carrying out patrol on road St. Leonard - Hoogstraeten lost two tanks - as the tanks approached the mines were pulled across road by infantry hiding in ditch, 1 German killed - own casualties were Capt. Frank Haydon, Sgt Butch Robinson and Tpr Jameson, all wounded. Report of 15 armoured vehicles and infantry forming up area Kruisweig - no serious developments.

    Oct 23     Battalion concentrated for purpose of moving north to support 56 Brigade in taking over Esschen from 6 Canadian Brigade.

    Oct 24     Battalion arrive Wildert and are dispersed as follows in support of 56 Brigade: A Squadron in support of South Wales Borderers (SWB);B Squadron in support of 2 Essex; C Squadron in reserve with HQ.

    Oct 25        C Squadron and HQ move forward in preparation for Operation "Thruster", the capture of Nispen

                       Plan:

    Phase 1:          capture of wood to west of Nispen by SWB to take place during night 25/26 Oct. A Squadron 9 RTR to stand by and be prepared to support at first light.

    Phase 2:          B Squadron to support 2 Essex in capture of woods south west of Nispen with one troop of Fife and Forfar Yeomanry (FF Yeo, flamethrowers) in support.

    Phase 3:          C Squadron to support 2 Glos in capture of Nispen, attacking from west to east; one troop of FF YEO under command.

    During Phase 1 two troops of A Squadron will support 1/4 KOYLI (146 Brigade) in capture of wood to south east of Nispen.

    Attack is to have artillery support and at the conclusion of Phase 2 Clarkeforce will pass through having as its objective Wouw.

     

    Oct 26        By first light, 2 South Wales Borderers had gained objective and there was no call for A Squadron to support. The 2 troops with KOYLI's on the right, under command Capt. Kidd, experienced 88 HE fire and Capt. Kidd was wounded in the head when his cupola was blown off. KOYLI's had little difficulty in reaching objective, but the two troops remained in support throughout the day.

    0730           B Squadron crossed start line. and a quarter of an hour later had passed through positions previously captured by South Wales Borderers. Visibility bad owing to mist and maximum shooting range 500 yards.

    0800        Supported by tankfire and Crocodiles, infantry had secured left flank of objective.

                     On right the infantry were consolidating. Resistance had only been spasmodic and about 40 prisoners taken - identification 857 GR.

                     As soon as objective had been taken, the area was continually mortared and shelled. Sgt. Ken Virgo of 10 Troop was wounded. One 88mm SP and 75mm anti-tank gun worrying the right flank were knocked out. Infantry and tanks cleared area north of road to allow Clarkeforce to pass through. C Squadron suffered two Officers casualties (Capt. A.J. Morgan; Lt. A.P. Boden) in the forming up point as a result of mortaring and shelling; both remained at duty.

    1120         C Squadron cross start line and very shortly had the outskirts of Nispen under fire. The enemy appeared to have evacuated the village but securing it was delayed as infantry had some difficulty in getting up. Shelling still continued and 3 spandaus were reported north east of village on far side of Moolenbeek.

    1225        Infantry clear houses supported by tanks from east - a few prisoners and considerable defensive mortaring.

    1330        Firmly established in village - targets to east and north east stonked by Shelldrake.

    1550         Half of B and C Squadrons withdraw for replenishment.

    1615        Shelling more intense and spandaus engaged tanks from well-concealed positions. Two tanks damaged and Sgt. Tom Tomney and Tpr Ginger Kirk of 13 Troop C Squadron were wounded. This skirmish was no doubt a diversion to cover engineer party who blew bridge on road Nispen-Roosendaal at 1630. One spandau and 75mm anti-tank gun abandoned by enemy under fire.

    1635        Essex and Glos defence positions complete. B & C Squadrons released and join HQ, where the night was spent in laager.

    Oct 27        From first light two troops of each Squadron move forward in support of infantry - remainder of Battalion stand down.

    1530        Following orders from 34 Tank Brigade, B Squadron with one Company The Duke of Wellington's Regiment, previously established in area Brembosch with Clarkeforce, move forward and take over Rietgoor. No opposition encountered. 7 Battalion the Duke of Wellington's Regiment establish themselves in village, B Squadron and Royal Regiment (RR) Brembosch. C Squadron now responsible for giving support to Essex and Glosters.

    Oct 28      A Squadron move forward to be on call by 2 South Wales Borderers who had overnight established themselves area east of railway and west of Moolenbeek.

    1700         Two troops B Squadron with Company Duke of Wellington's Regiment clearing area north east of railway/road junction. Shot at by 2 SP's firing down line of road; 1 tank hit; no casualties. Bad light prevented pin-pointing its position - not destroyed but later put out of action by Med. Regt. RA.

    1730        Battalion less B Squadron who remain with Duke of Wellington's Regiment move to area Wouwsche Hill 6827 with intention of supporting 146 Brigade. Plan made for occupation of Boeink and Vinkenbroek, preparatory to an attack on Roosendaal. Attack to be supported by 2 Med. Regiment and 4 Fd. Regiment RA.

                     Phase 1: C Squadron with A Company Hallams to capture Vinkenbroek

                     Phase II: A Squadron with B Company Hallams to capture Boeink

                     H - 1200 hrs 29 Oct

    Oct 29      C Squadron cross start line and have little difficulty in overcoming obstacle of railway. By 1225 forward infantry in village but 4 tanks were already bogged. AP fire from SP in area Boeink knocked out two tanks. Infantry had no trouble at all and collected about 40 prisoners.

    1248         A Squadron began to move up and anti-tank fire was fairly heavy from

                     area Boeink. SP very active but infantry again met with little resistance, and soon reached the village and the SP's withdrew north under cover of a gentle slope.

    1355        While infantry mopping up village, A Squadron steadily losing tanks - one SP and 75mm anti-tank gun knocked out in area Boeink. Tanks had to push on to Boeink despite losses to ensure infantry took over their objective.

    1410        Fairly quiet - third company established itself in area but A Squadron had now only three tanks left from the eleven that started. More prisoners had been taken and total count by infantry was over a hundred.

    1520        Squadron rear rally.

                     In the action to take Boeink A Squadron had the following casualties: Killed: Lieut Roy Clarkson, commanding 4 Troop, his driver Cpl John Tucker; Sergeant John Snowden, Troop Sergeant of 3 Troop, his driver L/Cpl John Hamill, his gunner Tpr Stan Lawson, and his wireless operator Tpr Geoff Taylor; Tpr Alf Cowton of 3 Troop and Tpr Ray Hughes of 5 Troop; wounded were Tpr Abbott, Tpr Jack Coolin, Tpr Cope, Tpr Davies, Tpr Honan, Tpr Humphreys, Cpl McConnell, Tpr Moulson, Tpr Oram, and L/Cpl Powell.

                     In the action around Vinkenbroek C Squadron had the following casualties: Killed: Tpr John (Smudger) Smith, co-driver of 15 Troop Leader's Tank: Wounded: Major Ronnie Holden, Squadron Leader, his gunner Sgt Taylor, Tpr Board and Tpr Macdonald; and Tpr Titch Mead, driver of 15 Troop Leader's tank.

                     This was purely a tank versus anti-tank and SP battle and it was obvious that the Germans were using their SP's in force as a last defence to cover a general withdrawal north and to prevent any armoured thrust from disorganising their retreat.

                     As a result of the battle, it must be emphasised that the infantry must release the supporting tanks far quicker in open flat country; otherwise unnecessary and expensive casualties are suffered.

     

    1545         B Squadron support Leics in area north of Tolberg having as a task the enlarging of the small bridgehead made by Duke of Wellington's Regiment across anti-tank ditch. Operation completely successful despite soft ground - no casualties and some prisoners taken.

    Oct 30      B Squadron cross anti-tank ditch which had been made passable by bulldozing and establishing themselves during darkness in area Hulsdonk.

                     The tanks were heavily camouflaged in defensive positions placed to break up any counter attack that may have been made against the bridgehead. One troop Armoured Vehicles RE and one troop Flails were under command. To ensure perfect liaison, 2 i/c B Squadron was in W/T communication with 147 Brigade and Radio Operator was with the Leics, the most forward Battalion. The further task of B Squadron was to support 147 Brigade in clearing Roosendaal south of Bredaschebaan but recce reported that that part of the town was clear.

    0930         C Squadron supporting KOYLI (146 Brigade) passed through but the Churchill bridge had to be used to cross the canal. Tanks and infantry moved down the streets but no enemy was found. The battle for Roosendaal had obviously been fought the previous day. Various orders followed which included the change of command to 56 Brigade and the movement to a Battalion area in Oudgastel for which recces were carried out but later instructions followed that Battalion was to remain in Roosendaal, which was to be concentration area for 34 Tank Brigade. Since 20 Oct 9 RTR tanks with 49 Division had advanced 12½ miles against many obstacles and a determined enemy.

    Oct 31      9 RTR tanks remain in Roosendaal under orders of 34 Tank Brigade.

     

    5.3.3            Personal recollections of Operations Rebound and Thruster

                19 to 30 October 1944

     

    The actions of these few days are remembered particularly for the bad weather and heavy going, the determined opposition and the casualties, and the fluidity of the front line. John Hodges diary first.

    "19th October

    Moved to St. Leonard in readiness for attack tomorrow morning. Very wet but good shelter in deserted houses. Early start tomorrow - calls booked for 0530 hours!

    20th October

    Crossed start line 0730 hours. C Squadron with two 2nd Gloucesters, A Squadron with Leics. C Squadron went very well and final objective reached about 10am. A Squadron's party was a bit sticky but objective taken by 1150am. Going very bad and weather conditions appalling. Only one tank knocked out and about three casualties. B Squadron pushed on to Leonhout but was too dark to attack. Plenty of mortaring and shellfire and spent a very damp night at the side of the half track. Rained all night.

    21st October

    Still milling around in the mud. Attack going well. Have a sort of roof over my head tonight. Spent a large part of the day pulling vehicles out of these foul dykes - I never want to see a canal or windmill again!

    22nd October

    C Squadron did a raid with a platoon of Infantry. Two anti-tank guns destroyed. One half track burnt out - about 21 killed and PW. Recce troop lost two Honeys. A set of Teller mines was dragged across the road in front of one tank by the Boche in the ditch. Tank blew up and burnt out. Second tank with Frank Hayden in it came back to see what happened and met the same fate. Only three of crew were detained in hospital, but all were considerably shaken.

    23rd October

    Moved up and spent a wet and cold night in a field. Seems to be a lot of uncertainty over our future move.

    24th October

    Moved to Wildert just south of the Dutch border. On arrival found some gunners occupying all the houses. At the moment we are camping in a field whilst the argument is settled. Village is badly damaged - the Boche were driven out yesterday. A and B are a bit further north and under mortar and shell fire.

    25th October

    Unpleasant night under canvas with three heavy 'stonks' on village. Two shells landed within 15 yards of the tent. Moved up to De Donck ready for tomorrow's attack. Found a few deserted houses to use for the night. Very noisy here, both sides throwing stuff at each other over our heads. Early start again tomorrow when Tac Headquarters goes forward. Hope it keeps fine!

    26th October

    Plenty of defensive action on part of Boche today, but attack pressed home and all objectives taken. Casualties, Captains Kidd, Morgan, Lt. Boden, Sgts. Virgo, Tomney and about four OR's all head wounds. Now in Holland again. Lots of shelling and stuff falling all around. Slept under tank - very cold and I had little bedding with me. Three tanks knocked out.

    27th October

    Our part is more or less over for a day or so. Plenty of shelling still in these parts. B Squadron detached to beat up Rietgoor in the afternoon.

    28th October

    Moved up to Wouwsche Hil in preparation for attack on Bulkenaar and Boeink tomorrow. Plan changed several times so that a late night was had by all. Very cold wind.

    29th October

    A bad day - a second Maltot. A Squadron ran into a screen of SP guns at Boeink and lost seven tanks. C Squadron lost two. One officer and 10 OR's killed and about 15 injured. This means that A Squadron are pretty well cut up once again. Altogether a most uncomfortable day - though we, as usual, put the Infantry on their objectives. Tonight we've only 28 fit tanks in the Battalion and it looks as if we are to be thrown into the slaughter again tomorrow. Lt. Clarkson was buried with his tank crew today. Great pity as he was a nice chap.

    The battlefield was a horrible sight - great fires everywhere and burning tanks with the ammunition exploding. Dead cattle everywhere and poor civilians mixed up in this hell.

    30th October

    Set off at first light for the assault on Roosendaal but found the Boche had pulled out about two hours before we arrived. The civilians gave us a hysterical welcome and we all concentrated, licked our wounds of the past 10 days, and settled ourselves in two schools. No windows, very cold, but everybody from the General down very satisfied at the results of our encounters, which means that the whole of the southern part of Holland is now free. Wonder where we shall go next - North Holland or Germany?"

    One of the occurrences mentioned by John on 22 Oct was the loss of two of the Recce Troop's light tanks (Honeys). In charge of the Recce Troop at the time was Captain Frank Hayden. Frank was quite short, wore glasses, and possessed an impressive nose; these remarks are in no way derogatory, because Frank was an intelligent and well-respected officer; but a knowledge of these characteristics is important to understand one of the stories that follows. As John said, a set of teller mines was dragged across the road by a German soldier lying in a ditch across the road; he must have been a brave man to have waited there, because tanks almost always move in such a way that they can support each other. The first Battalion Newsletter reported the matter in this way: "On 22 October Capt Frank Hayden i/c Recce Troop proceeded to amplify his demonstration of mine-lifting in Eastwell park many years ago, it seems. This time he had the active co-operation of the enemy, who displayed quite uncalled for enthusiasm. Six tellermines were definitely destroyed for the loss of two tanks. Perhaps the Eastwell Park method is best. Unfortunately Tpr Jameson was injured in the feet and had to return to England".

    In the second Battalion Newsletter it appears that an American war correspondent had also observed the incident.

    "This month's triller by Ramon Dunynn

    Now this is the story of how Four-eyes Frankie is put on the spot one time by Pineapple Fritzy Panzer the Heinie. This Four-eyes is so called because he totes a pair of big round cheaters on his snoot, and no mean snoot at that, and he is highly respected by one and all as being a most benevolent boot-legger indeed. But Pineapple Fritzy has this name because he takes great delight in slinging around bombs and mines and such, like he thinks the world's a wedding and bombs is confetti. He has a big square noggin and a mean looking kisser, and his hair stands up straight about knee-high to a cricket, so even his everloving don't reckon he's a beauty.

    Now on this occasion Frankie says to the boys: "What do you say we take a coupla tanks along and call on Fritzy? Maybe we persuade him to buy our booze for his speakeasies when we tell him what happens to those who don't.  For in these modern times every right guy must ride in a tank, and only a small-time chizzler will be seen going around and about in an armoured car. So along the road goes Frankie in his tank and Butch Robbo tags on behind in his. And it so happens that Fritzy and his mob are likewise out and around the neighbourhood, busting into houses to see if the citizens have anything left to give him. He takes a peek out of the window and who does he see but Frankie coming down the road, and says he "Here comes that half-portion and his hoodlums. Let us give him a big surprise".

    So they laugh Ha ha and lay for Frankie in the ditch with a bunch of big coarse mines which they figure will surprise Frankie more than somewhat. And sure enough, Frankie and Robbo go zing on to the mines, and one and all remember what the croaker says about walking is good for the health, for they light on the road mighty fast. But before he light out of the tank, Robbo's driver lamps Fritzy laying in the ditch. Maybe he figures Fritzy's tuxedo needs pressing. Leastways he parks up the tank slap-dab on poor Fritzy's chest and musses him up considerable. Whereupon, the rest of Fritzy's mob take it on the lam and run themselves bow-legged for home.

    But Frankie's blood-pressure is way up, and his kisser is all black like he is set to play the lead in Uncle Tom's Cabin. Likewise the boys are all steamed up at this thing because four dozen of high-class Calvados are smashed in the explosion, and Four-Flush Ferrier is most indignant of all. For he deals himself a Full House just before it all happens and never gets to show it, so Frankie don't pay off".

     

    "Incredible" was the name of Ronnie Holden's tank. As C Squadron Leader he more often than not led, and that is how a minor misfortune occurred at the start of the advance to Leonhout on 20 October. The first Newsletter reports: "We sallied forth in tremendous form and Incredible was immediately hit in the rear smoke emitter by one of C Squadron's besas. This promptly caused its commander to about turn and motor in the opposite direction to get out of the now dense smoke which had collected inside and outside the tank, mostly inside the Squadron Leader's lungs.

    This was the first time the troop leaders had seriously used grenades from their turrets, and this was treated with considerable respect by the Boche who started to come out of their holes with amazing agility. The only difference between Seymour Francis' grenades and Desmond Lilley's was that Desmond's went off, but the effect was the same".

    Trevor Greenwood did not see much of this action, as he explains, but he noted one curious aftermath:

    "Friday 20 October 1944 D + 136

    Managed to stow vehicle and get away on time: something of a job in the dark! Approaching start line, Mr. Francis' vehicle was ditched: he took mine and left me with his crew. So I missed the first phase of the battle. Eventually unditched 10.am - using two ARV's. Meanwhile, the battle had commenced: heavy artillery barrage to begin with.

    Very soon, numerous farm houses and cottages were ablaze - visible from my ditched vehicle. And then prisoners started to come in - in groups of 6-8 etc. Saw about 100 during couple of hours. Noticed Churchill flame throwers (Crocodiles) also being used around farm buildings near start line.

    Had difficulty in finding my way to re-join squadron, due to mist and smoke and confusing track marks over countryside, but eventually found them as they reached final objective - 3000 yds from start. No casualties or damaged vehicles in squadron, but plenty of Jerries shot-up and captured.

    Changed back to my own vehicle and then commenced long wait on final objective while infantry dug in and A.T. guns arrived etc. Amazed to see civilians coming towards us from enemy territory immediately ahead: we may easily have shot them accidentally. They were terrified - and not surprising. Their homes had probably been shelled by us: neighbouring buildings were blazing fiercely: dead cattle lay about everywhere: our artillery was still firing spasmodically: our Besas and 75's were also active: Jerry was mortaring us - and they came through the lot - about ten people, including 3 or 4 old folk, one man with a wooden leg, a couple of children, a wheelbarrow, bicycle - bundles of rags and blankets. It was a pitiful sight: they were trying to run across the rough ground - badly pitted with angry looking shell and mortar scars and deeply rutted with tank tracks. One old lady was crying: all looked terrified - but one young woman returned my hand wave with a cheery "OK Tommy."

    We managed to "brew-up" keeping one eye open for Jerry immediately ahead, but he let us have our tea in peace.

    Eventually - about 3.0pm, we retired about 1000 yds and took up defensive position on the right flank of our salient and remained there until dark. Laagered about 7.0pm close to Het - a Jerry strong point last night! The weather had mercifully been fine all day, but it started to rain at dusk - and didn't stop! Our move to laager done as quietly as possible, in the dark: we preserved silence throughout the night as Jerry was quite close to the east. A few odd shells and mortars fell quite close during the night, but no casualties. Too wet to sleep - and too cold, but had an hour or two in the turret. Otherwise spend the night observing and looking for Jerry patrols. A horrible night.

    Learned that the days action had all been highly successful, and both brigs. pleased with our efforts. They sent congratulations via the colonel -! Felt the strain rather: first time I had been into action for many weeks.

    The days battlefield reminded me of Normandy. So many dead cattle: broken fences, shell holes - dead bodies, mostly Jerries - noise of artillery, of aircraft - burning buildings. A beastly business. At night, we counted 16 fires on the immediate horizon - 16 farms and homes ruined in a few hours".

    On 22 Oct C Squadron were ordered to carry out a "mystery tour" into enemy territory to find out if they were still there, if so how many, and so on. This reconnaissance in force was led by Ronnie Holden, and he took with him 13, 14 and 15 troops. After a while they had difficulty in getting the ground to agree with the map - they were lost! All that this meant, however, was that the recce was longer and proportionately more successful. Trevor Greenwood took part in this operation.

    "Sunday 22 October 1944 D + 138

    Eleven a.m: Major called for troop leaders: Something in the wind? - Yes: Mr. Francis soon returned with orders to stow everything: be ready to move into attack at twelve o'clock. This time, the plan was to make a quick raid into enemy territory, going further in than yesterday, and make a circling move north and then back west: two troops to remain behind on the defensive role, the rest to carry out the raid, i.e. 13, 14, 15 and H.Q.

    It is difficult to give a description of an operation of this kind - everything happens so quickly and the enormous concentration upon one's own particular problems leaves little opportunity for observing the whole picture.

    However, we crossed the start  line at 12 noon, and tore past the three 88's immobilised yesterday in a few minutes. And then our firing commenced. It was like hell let loose. There were twelve vehicles, all going flat out, and firing their guns in all directions except to the rear. Hedgerows, ditches, trees, houses - any mortal thing that could provide cover for Jerries was saturated with M.G. fire and H.E. Terrified horses were running wildly around the fields; cows scampering about, careering through ditches and barbed wire fences: our own vehicles lumbered over ditches, through hedges, across ploughed fields, turnip fields, crashed through plantations - uprooted trees: it was sheer destruction, but rather thrilling - and how terrifying for the enemy! At one point, my troop leaders vehicle became ditched: it looked rather bad - but somehow the vehicle extricated itself, whilst Dicky and I provided some protection with our guns. This was quite open country, with houses and farm buildings lying fairly well scattered. The nearest were almost 2000 yds: we plastered them pretty well.

    My gunners put two belts of Besa into one house at 3000 yds - and set it on fire - adding one more blazing pile to the wreckage we were creating.

    After half an hour or so, the Major admitted over the air that he had lost his bearings - and wasn't sure  of his position. This was not surprising. The speed of our advance, plus the type of country made map-reading practically impossible. However, we carried on and now bore to the north, thus approaching some of the area we had been shooting up.

    As we neared some of the farms and houses, I was amazed to see civilians standing outside frantically waving white "flags". They must have been crazy to have remained in the area, knowing that it was a battle area. Possibly we killed some of them: we certainly destroyed much of their property. Somehow, I couldn't feel sorry for them. We were fighting for our lives, and we knew that the enemy often concealed his troops and anti-tank guns in houses and farm buildings: the civilians must have known it too. We simply had to prevail with dealing with the Hun.

    At one point of our journey, the Major had a narrow escape. A carefully concealed 75 A.T. gun opened up at 50 yards - and hit the rim of his 95 gun muzzle. Luckily, the Major saw the gun, and his own gun was suitable traversed. Before the enemy could fire a second shot, the Major had fired a 95 HE - a direct hit...And the Jerry gun went up in bits: two more 95's were pumped in - just to make sure! By this time, we seemed to be in an area of scattered houses - and they all had their groups of people, including children, waving white clothes. They seemed to regard these as ample protection!

    Dicky discovered another gun - this time a 50mm, and shot it up - using HE also on the fleeing crew! No prisoners!!!

    Eventually, the Major gave the order to return to harbour - and so we reached the end of the most hectic two hours I have known for some time. Our "terror raid" had involved a run of over 7 miles, instead of the four miles previously planned. No wonder the Colonel seemed anxious about our whereabouts, over the air. But he congratulated all of us later, and took all details of gun positions, enemy troop locations etc. I think we did a useful job of reconnaissance, and no doubt killed many Jerries. And we must have terrified many more. Two of them were so anxious to surrender that they ran after one of our tanks and more or less compelled the commander to have them! This was Frank Hodgson: he was certainly amused by the incident.

    Later: Today's two prisoners seemed very happy to be with us: they said that most of their comrades were anxious to surrender, but were unable to do so because of their officer's threats to shoot all intending deserters and defeatists. They were waiting for our tanks to advance, they said, to provide an excuse for surrendering. These prisoners disclosed too that there is much friction between the Reichwehr and the S.S. and that they are expected to be in open conflict before long".

    The next day of significant action was 26 Oct, when all three squadrons took part. A Squadron's objective was easily taken, but Capt. Ken Kidd was wounded by 88mm HE - the squadron's only casualty on that day. Both B and C Squadrons took part in the capture of Nispen, and both had triumphs and tragedies.

    B Squadron took their objective, but were then subjected to continuous mortaring and shelling. Their two casualties were Cpl Ficker and Sgt. Ken Virgo. Ken had won the MM at Grainville in June, and had been 10 Troop Sergeant since then. He was badly wounded by mortar fire, and died of his wounds on 31 Oct. During this action 8 Troop under Freddie Critchley knocked out an 88mm SP and a 75mm anti-tank gun. For this he was subsequently awarded the MC.

    As related in the war diary Sgt. Tom Tomney of 13 Troop and his gunner Ginger Kirk were wounded on this day. Tom recalls what he remembers of that day, and shows how the whole of 34 Armoured Brigade co-operated in the operations of Clarkeforce. This force was commanded in person by Brigadier "Wahoo" Clarke, and its strike formations were 107 RAC and 49 Div Recce Regiment, supported by flamethrowers, engineers, SP anti-tank guns and artillery.

    Clarkeforce passed through A and B Squadrons of 9 RTR at about the same time as C Squadron started its attack on Nispen. Tom Tomney: "We had just moved through Nispen when Brigadier Clarke came on the air asking if anyone could see the SP up on the hill some 1000 yards away. I was the only one who said I saw it, and the Brigadier replied: "I don't care what you do but empty your entire tank stock of ammo if you must and put it out of action; its blowing our battalion to blazes". We did just that and set it on fire. Meanwhile another SP was sitting in a ditch a few hundred yards away from our tank. The last thing I remembered was seeing orange balls floating towards us. These were of course the shells from the SP which hit us".

    Tom's sacrifice relieved the pressure on Clarkeforce, and for this action he was awarded the MM. Cyril Rees was Tom's driver, and the other members of the crew were Norman Hopkins (wireless operator), Ginger Kirk (gunner) and Don Foster (co-driver). The troop leader was Des Lilley and the troop corporal Frank Hodgson. Cyril writes:

    "The circumstances and conditions under which we had existed during the last 5 or 6 months made trying to remember the day or date a rather fruitless exercise. However, I believe it was the 26th October 1944 since I always tried to remember birthdays in my own family, and I was sure it was my brother's who was serving with the Pacific Fleet. (It was 26 October: Ed).

    I wasn't in Nispen very long so I wasn't able to form much of a picture of it, but I vaguely see a long village street with houses on each side and not much depth. It was a gloomy October afternoon as we moved out from the village into the fields behind. The soil was dark and very heavy and seemed to be wholly covered with some sort of root crop.

    We were in a one-up position as we came to a halt about 200 yards from the village, the houses forming a backdrop. We crossed easily a small drainage ditch, of which there were many. I left the engine on a fast tick-over and tried to take in what I could see. There was the occasional view of infantry men advancing slowly, keeping low, otherwise I had that usual feeling that many tank crews experience of being isolated and on your own. Ahead, I could see the flat country, receding into the gloom, with a few trees and here and there a hedge or two. It reminded me of the fens in so many ways, and I would not have been too surprised to see that dim and magnificent bulk of Ely Cathedral rising above the distant trees. The Troop Leader was about 30 yards ahead in his Mk VII and about the same distance to my right. My visor was shut and I couldn't see Frank Hodgson who was even further away on my right.

    Two flashes in fairly quick succession from the hedge 800 yards or so away, followed at once by two loud metallic bangs to my right, indicated that some tank was on the receiving end of some A.P shot. I heard our breech block close as Hoppy banged in a round and heard Tom give Ginger the order to fire. I kept my foot on the brake pedal as Ginger got off a couple of rounds fairly smartly. Seven or eight more flashes from ahead plus the impact noises from my right suggested someone in our troop was getting a pasting.

    Twice more I heard the empty cases crash on to the turret floor. Then it was our turn to be hit. I felt rather than heard the first hit (on the left hand side of the turret, near the top and near the edge), which then ricocheted away harmlessly. The next one gave the whole tank a jolt. Small debris rained down into the turret, and as I turned in my seat to look through to the fighting compartment I could see Ginger Kirk, on to whom Tom Tomney had collapsed. I have to be honest. I felt no panic and I wasn't all that scared, but I switched off the engine and pushed open the top hatches. Don Foster did the same.

    Clambering out on to the mudguards on my side, I saw that Hoppy was already on the engine hatches looking down at Tom and Ginger below. The shot that got us had lifted off the commander's cupola and deposited it about 50 yards behind. Tom had been looking through the periscopes, observing. Ginger was alright, it seemed, and he started to push Tom up towards us, and Hoppy and I leaned over as far as possible till we could grab some part, any part of Tom, that was nearest.

    It was a desperate few minutes. We eventually got Tom's arms, then held him under his shoulders. I noticed his hair was matted with blood and his head was slightly squashy - like a boiled egg that has been tapped with a spoon before peeling off the shell. We did not know, of course, if there were other injuries, though I thought his hands or wrists might have been broken when the cupola was blasted away. Speed was essential. We had to get him out and hope we did not aggravate any other injuries. At last, with a superhuman effort from Ginger, below in the turret, and with Norman's and my help, we were able to drag Tom from the gaping hole in the roof and lay him on the engine hatches. In this position we were protected from any frontal attack.

    As this rescue got under way Frank Hodgson was able to lay down some smoke from his tank, which seemed to have been unscathed. In the meantime, Don Foster had managed to get hold of what looked like a wooden door. We placed Tom on this and lowered him to the ground behind our tanks where one or two other troop members were waiting. We all jumped to the ground and Ginger, Norman and I, using our tank as cover, carried our improvised stretcher back to the cover of the village, now and then tripping and stumbling over the uneven ground and ditches. At last we came to the Field Dressing Station. Tom was quickly sent back to a Field Hospital.

    The rest of us were beginning to feel shocked but had no visible injuries. A mug of hot sweet tea soon put us right. A bloodstain on Ginger's shirt revealed a large flake of white enamel had broken off on impact and had embedded itself quite deeply. He had to stay and have it removed. Although in some pain, Ginger was able to use his great strength to raise Tom high enough for Hoppy and I to reach. Without his help, we would have had a long tough job on our hands. (Tom Tomney sent a photo of Ginger Kirk from Canada; on the back it reads: Ginger Kirk - I owe him my life: Ed).

    I decided to go back to the place we had left our tank. No heroics, just a snap decision on my part. After all, the tank was perfectly operational, at least the running gear was when I switched off the engine. Although getting dark, I was surprised to find a great deal of machine gunfire and some mortars were still raining down. Bent double, and moving as fast as I could over the heavy ground, I soon covered the few hundred yards to the 13 troop position. Of Independent, our reliable and faithful Mk III, there was no trace. Someone had recovered her.

    The lonely hulk of our Troop Leader's MkVII stood empty, with hatches open nearby. I walked right round it and counted 7 direct hits on the front, none of which had penetrated. One shot was jammed almost dead centre of the driver's visor. I thought of trying to drive it back. A quick examination of the driver's compartment was enough to tell me it was undriveable. Amongst other things, the shock waves from several hits on the glacis plate had caused the bolts holding the hydraulic reservoir to sheer off, spilling most of the fluid. So - no throttle control, no brakes, no clutch. This must have been the result of the impact noises I had counted earlier.

    It was almost dark and fairly peaceful as I made my way back to Nispen, to our troop, and to C Squadron. A memorable day - the 26th October.

     

    Postscript

    Tom Tomney was flown back to England that night. He had brain surgery and a titanium plate was inserted under his scalp at the Radcliffe Infirmary, Oxford. Like most of us he is now retired, and lives with his wife in Canada. He was at our 1991 reunion, a picture of rude health. The brass name plate and log book of "Independent" VM31023B, Mk III are now with the Tank Museum at Bovington".

    For his action in going back under fire to attempt to recover his tank and the troop leader's tank Cyril was subsequently awarded the MM.

    The next day of significant action  – and the last, in this particular segment of the campaign – was 29 October. This was a three part attack on the outskirts of Roosendaal. On the left C Squadron were to take Vinkenbroek, A Squadron were to pass through and take Boeink, and B Squadron were to attack on the right, advancing to Hulsdonk.

    The first Newsletter describes a well-remembered situation relating to maps. This time it happened to C Squadron. "The officers of the squadron indulged until well after midnight in making indecipherable chinagraph inscriptions by the light of a Helleson lamp on the talc covering no fewer than four neatly folded large-scale maps. The unpronounceable objective, Vinkenbroek, lay at the junction of all four".

    The casualties on this day were recorded in the War Diary. Trevor Greenwood was closely involved in the C Squadron action, saw A Squadron coming through to the further objective of Boeink, and saw and heard some of the aftermath of A Squadron's action.

    "Sunday 29 October 1944 D + 145

    Two days have elapsed since I wrote the foregoing - rather bad days - and my mind is a bit confused, but I want to try and record events in sequence. We moved out last evening from Nispen at about 5.0p.m - and headed westwards: we had no orders, but were aware of several rumours concerning 107 RAC who were reported to have had a hammering during the day: it seemed fairly obvious that we were taking over from them on the left flank of the salient.

    We eventually harboured close to the village of Wouwsche Hil - a three mile journey through the usual scenes of destruction and death - dead cows littered the fields: dead Germans lay by the roadsides: derelict houses and farms: smashed up telegraph poles; scarred and torn trees.

    Our harbour was an open field: to our front, about a mile away to the north, several buildings were blazing: the whole forward horizon was, in fact, a mass of blazing buildings; and that was where the enemy were. The Major was obviously uneasy about the situation. We harboured in the darkness, and the absence of orders, or "information" left him in an unenviable position. The enemy may have been nearer than presumed - and it was doubtful whether there was a screen of our infantry ahead of us. And so, we had to be on the alert all night - one man in each vehicle constantly acting as observer.

    107 RAC had been taken by surprise the morning before - some S.P's having drawn up close during the night, and they were shot up in harbour the following morning. We had to avoid a repetition of that. We went to bed beneath the vehicle, not knowing what the morrow held in store, but expecting the worst.

    There were too many signs of heavy fighting for our presence there to be merely defensive. Until late in the evening, we had witnessed signs of a battle about a mile to the west - a bitter battle, it sounded.

    Reveille this morning was 5.30am with all kit stowed and vehicle ready for action by 6.0am - just in case some S.P's tried to catch us as they had caught 107. But nothing happened, and we were able to stand down and have breakfast at 7.30a.m. Meanwhile, we learned of the orders which had been issued during the night. We were going into battle that morning - the whole battalion, each squadron having an individual role to play. "C's" objective the village of Vinkenbroek - about 2000 yards due north, and 400 yards beyond the railway running across our front. A's objective the village of Boeink - about 600 yards further north. "B" were "going in" to our right - one of the suburbs of Roosendaal.

    The surrounding country was very flat - and quite open, but fairly well infested with ditches and drainage channels, as is most of the country in this area.

    We know little about the enemy, other than that he had some S.P's in the area. Our infantry were the Hallams (Crevecoeur!). At about 12 noon, "C" went in. 11 and 12 took up hull-down positions behind the railway embankment to protect the R. flank. 13, 14, 15 and HQ then crossed the railway and turned left - running across the southern front of the village. This move was made at speed, with all guns trained on the village 400 yards away. We poured shot and shell into every building, shed, bush and ditch which could possibly harbour the enemy.

    We ran diagonally towards the western edge of the village - about 1000 yard run, and reached this point without trouble, although 2 or 3 vehicles had difficulty in the heavy ground and were ditched for a time. 15 Troop were on the extreme left of our advance; we took up positions behind some burning buildings on the main road through the village. And at about this time, our infantry approached from the railway embankment. I was glad to see them. We received orders to move a little further forward - to protect the infantry from possible enemy fire from Boeink - and then the fun started.

    My troop leader, Mr. Francis, moved out to cross the road, and I followed. Through my periscope, I saw Mr. Francis' vehicle make a quick dash back to the protection of the house. Had he been fired at? I wasn't left long in doubt. There came a heavy bang, and bits of debris fell into the turret. My vehicle shook a bit, and the crew swore we had been hit. I ordered the driver to reverse, and the vehicle responded immediately - the hit had apparently left us undamaged. We went back painfully slowly, our right and rear being meanwhile completely exposed to the north and north east - from where the shots appeared to come.

    Each second of that journey back seemed an age. Each moment I expected to be hit again: and how damnably provoking that we couldn't fire back - I had no idea of the precise location of whatever was firing - either an A.T. gun or a S.P. The enemy were, as usual, using flashless ammo, and were exceedingly well camouflaged. I scanned the presumed location of the gun, using binoculars, but could see nothing - only houses and haystacks and innocent looking bushes.

    Our journey in reverse was only about 40 yards, but it was one of the longest runs I have ever known. I cannot describe my relief when eventually we got round to the rear side of that house - snuggling as near to it as possible, even though it was blazing. My troop officer was already there, apparently unharmed.

    Soon he moved forward a little and ordered me further back - to observe around the western side of the house...And then I noticed the Major clambering from his vehicle about 30 yards ahead. He had been hit - presumably by the same gun. His crew seemed to "bale out" alright, although the Major had to assist one man from the track cover. Three of his crew lay down in a nearby ditch, and the major chased off to the rear - and I soon had his voice on the air again requesting medical help for his wounded crew. He had boarded another vehicle, and taken command again almost immediately. It was good to hear him over the air assuring the Colonel that he was absolutely alright and unharmed.

    A little later, only a minute or two, I heard the characteristic swish of an A.P., followed by a terrible bang, immediately to my right...I looked and saw Mr. Francis and some of his crew clambering from their vehicle: he had been hit and was wisely baling out instantly. Mr. Francis didn't look so good. Meanwhile, Dicky Hall's vehicle, further to the right, had become ditched - and his crew had baled out and were sheltering behind their vehicle: I believe Mr. Francis joined them. The next few moments were sickening. The enemy must have known my vehicle was hiding, but apparently he couldn't see me. Nevertheless, he kept firing and hit Mr. Francis vehicle a second time and followed this by a few random shots in my direction. I cannot imagine a more terrifying sound than the vicious hiss of those rounds as they whizzed by, so close to my vehicle. We seemed to have been literally condemned to death - with no chance of retaliating.

    Thinking became difficult: every single fibre and nerve being too occupied in trying to see from where the shots were fired. There were anxious mutterings from my crew over the intercom - I could do nothing but try to reassure them: we couldn't bale out from an apparently undamaged vehicle. But the temptation can perhaps be imagined. During my terror-stricken searching for the enemy, I looked to the rear - back to the railway line - and my heart gave a leap as I beheld a number of tanks followed by infantry approaching rapidly. It was A Squadron. They had commenced their attack, and were going to pass beyond us, and so on to Boeink beyond. How grateful I was to see those tanks - and how my heart warmed towards A - I didn't then know what lay in store for them.

    About this time, Mr. Francis signalled for me to lay a smoke screen to enable him to rescue the wounded from his vehicle: this was soon done. A little later, Mr. Francis himself appeared on top of my vehicle - I knew instinctively that he was taking my place, and I "baled out" at once - sorry to be leaving my crew. In a few seconds I had crawled to comparative safety behind Dicky Hall's tank - stopping en route by the side door of Mr. Francis vehicle to try and drag out his co-driver, Jimmy Smith. Mr. Francis had asked me to do this as I left him: I doubt whether I would have thought of it, even had I known Smith was still in the vehicle. But one glance convinced me that he was beyond earthly aid. Already his eyes were glazing and staring horribly: his mouth was open, and skin already turning that ghastly grey-yellow of death. He was on the exposed side of the vehicle, and so I wasted no time seeking cover.

    Dicky's crew were all quite O.K, but Mr. Francis' driver, Titch Mead, was lying on the ground in a pool of blood. His left leg had been almost amputated: and his left hand badly injured - but he was conscious, and making no complaint. Dicky was fixing a tourniquet to his leg and others were improvising a rough stretcher from two gun cleaning poles and an overcoat.

    How on earth Mead was removed from his vehicle I don't know, but Dicky told me later that they had to give him two ampoules of chloroform before he "went out". And a little later, Dicky injected a dose of morphia. How grand to have a chap like Dicky around in such an emergency. How I admired him: and what gallantry on the part of all of them in dragging Mead from that vehicle under heavy fire. It was a bit of a job to place Mead on that crude stretcher, but we managed it - and the rough splint on his leg remained in position.

    And now Wilde and Thomas crawled away in search of an ambulance or stretcher bearers. Mead accepted a cigarette - !

    Meanwhile, Mr. Francis had drawn away in my vehicle - leaving the shelter of the house in the protection of a smoke screen. I heard nothing more of him until much later. Dicky and I crawled back to have a final glimpse of Smith - but he was now dead: we left him and crawled back to our refuge beside Dicky's tank.

    Wilde and Thomas soon returned with information that there was a first aid post in the brickworks about half a mile to our rear. It seemed a hopeless business trying to carry Mead so far on the crazy stretcher - but something had to be done - and Dicky said let's go - and that was the beginning of a horrible journey. There were six of us, beside Mead, and we learned that a human body is a heavy load, especially when the route includes ditches and ploughed fields torn by tank tracks.

    It must have taken us almost an hour to reach that brickworks: an hour of very unpleasant recollections, including enemy fire and fatigue. Dicky worked like a horse - and Mead made little complaint, even when we stumbled and heaved him across the ditches.

    At the brickworks, the ambulance was waiting, and we parted with our colleague, thankful to have got him away from that hell on earth...And now we returned to the tanks - the battle having moved a little further north. On this return journey, I saw a little of the price paid by "A" in making their advance beyond our original objective. There were at least half a dozen disabled tanks lying out in the open, and at least one blazing furiously. The crews who had "baled out" were returning southwards, some of them supporting wounded colleagues. God knows what had happened, but it seemed obvious that the enemy had be