CHAPTER 9: WAITING FOR HITLER
The Broad Picture: After
Arnhem and Antwerp
• Eisenhower's general policy of action all along the line,
rather than concentration of forces on one or two main objectives
• the deteriorating weather and the nature of the terrain,
resulting in a marked decline in mobility
• the very long supply lines until (and to a considerable degree
after) the opening of the port of Antwerp on 28 November
• a shortage of artillery ammunition, especially for the Americans
• the great skill with which the Germans re-armed and positioned
their armies after the retreat from Normandy
The result of these factors was a stalemate all along
the front – indeed, there were some of the older and more senior soldiers who
saw with consternation the possibility of a return to WWI fighting.
Until the stalemate was broken by Hitler's Ardennes
push one of the operations that was undertaken was the capture of Geilenkirchen
by 43 Wessex Div and 84 US Div. This was to have been followed by a push
further eastward to the River Roer, Operation "Shears," and in this
the 9th were to have taken part.
The effect of these conditions, decisions, and plans
on the movements of the 9th was that we:
• remained in Roosendaal for nearly a month to refit and relax –
although rest was not something that happened to most people
• moved to Geilenkirchen in early December to prepare for
Operation Shears
• moved to form part of a counter-attack force on the northern
flank of the Ardennes "bulge".
9.1 Roosendaal
The War
Diary 31 Oct to 29 Nov
November in Roosendaal
Following the entry into
Roosendaal, it was uncertain what the future would bring, and the first few
days were spent in very active maintenance and reorganisation; new tanks and
fresh crews were wanted from the Forward Delivery Squadron, and the welders
were busy again filling in unpleasant looking holes in both "C" and
"A" Squadron's tanks; Major Holden being especially delighted that
"INCREDIBLE" was battle-worthy again and Eb Wood, troop leader of 11
Troop, was seen proudly watching the six-inch hole in his turret gradually
decreasing.
The days passed with general
routine, broken only by the excitement of an outbreak of fire in the school
used by "HQ" and "C" Squadrons. It turned out that there
was more smoke than fire, but before this was discovered, unfortunately, four
ORs of "C" Squadron were injured jumping from the roof into an
improvised sheet held by a rescue party organised by RSM Palmer. The local Fire
Brigade got the fire under control and though one of the lower rooms was
gutted, no kit was lost except for the odd articles that disappeared.
News finally came that the
stay in Roosendaal, where the 9th were still considered as liberators, was
likely to be prolonged and, consequently, organised trips were made into
Antwerp where for the first time it was possible for the troops to spend money
- Xmas shopping and eating ice-creams were only the lesser indulgences, and
stories of seductions were overheard as soon as forty-eight hours leave was
instituted.
By 14 Nov, however, it seemed
as if the pleasant period of relaxation had come to an end for a warning order
was received to stand by ready to move. Within forty-eight hours, however, the
order had been cancelled and it was now rumoured that the Brigade would be left
stranded in the area for the rest of the war; certain personalities now became
worried and the Intelligence Staff were constantly asked if they thought the
armistice would be delayed another nine months. No reassurance was given.
Nevertheless, a long static
period was prepared for – firstly, a series of trade tests were started
following a Brigade order to test in an orthodox manner those who had been
mustered in the field as tradesmen. Later, D & M, Wireless and Gunnery
courses were started to improve the technical training of those recently
absorbed from the Forward Delivery Squadron, and a range was made in the area
of Willemstad where all gunners were to fire a series of practices to ensure
that their efficiency did not decrease.
Major-General G.W. Richards,
DSO, MC, visited the Battalion and was a spectator at a demonstration given to
prove the limitations of 6-pdr DS ammo. Accuracy could not be claimed above 800
yards and a system of ranging could not be laid down as it was affected by the
jump of each individual gun.
Organisation
of the fighting Squadron was also discussed following a further suggestion by the Brigade
Commander. There was talk of Squadrons being limited to four troops each of
four tanks, but a final decision was made whereby the troop should remain three
tanks but in planning only four troops should be considered, the fifth being
left out of battle.
Many
points were brought out for the adoption of the four-troop Squadron and it was
voted an excellent and necessary reorganisation. The four-tank troop got no
supporters but one or two points were brought out in favour. They were (i) the
fourth tank doesn't actually go into action but is a 'tracker' or 'swinger'.
Thus, if it is commanded by the Troop Sergeant he is in position to take over
control of the troop immediately should the Troop Leader become a casualty.
(ii) a four-tank troop can take a harder knock without requiring
reorganisation. (iii) the fourth tank is in a good position to paint the
picture, thus leaving the Troop Leader free to concentrate on manoeuvre and
control.
Against
the four-tank troop the 'tracker' was not liked because it put on the
battlefield odd tanks which were uncontrollable: (ii) four tanks made troop
leader's job more difficult; (iii) unwieldy; (iv) communications over "B
set more difficult; (v) it meant more goods in the shop-window and less depth
to the attack.
It
was decided to keep five troops in the Squadron but the fifth troop is not to
be reckoned with in planning and is to be a Squadron reserve. The advantage
being that (i) the fifth troop keeps its identity (ii) it can be relieved and
changed about; (iii) the fifth troop can become the forward repair group and
receive replacement tanks and make them battleworthy away from the battlefield;
(iv) automatically it is an ideal proportion for L.O.B. (left out of battle).
If
these activities and problems occupied everyone by day, another type of
relaxation was found for the evenings. Squadron dances became a local feature
at the village hall where beer and cognac were sold in increasing quantities,
reaching a climax on Cambrai Day which, though celebrated in style on the
twentieth, spread its influence over nearly a week. No hall could be found
large enough for a Battalion Dance so each Squadron held a dance in succession
and competition was strong to see who could provide the greatest orgy and the
most surprises, which included among other novelties free ice-cream and A.T.S.
from Antwerp.
During
the morning of Cambrai Day the 40-a-side football match occupied everyone's
attention. Officers and men were seen grovelling in the mud; at times chasing
the ball, at others pursuing personal vendettas while smoke screens were laid
and goals barricaded. "A" Squadron have to be congratulated as
victors and they carried away their barrel of beer chanting some hoodoo that is
believed to have been a ritualistic thanks-giving to the mystic goddesses of
Wine and Women.
The
afternoon passed with entertainment given by "Four Smart Girls" and
though the show was pleasant enough 'Smart' was an exaggeration and girls an
understatement. Nevertheless, the tradition of the day was kept – the meals
were abundant and served in Cambrai style and there is no doubt that everyone
enjoyed themselves.
To
overcome whatever effects those gaieties might have there was a certain amount
of sporting activity. The football field was occupied most afternoons, and each
troop produced a seven-a-side team, and after a lot of excitement and many
struggles "C" Squadron HQ (F) were hailed the victors. An exhibition
rugby match was held in aid of the Red Cross, and hockey matches were arranged
against local teams, but no amount of physical exercise could repair the damage
caused by "C" Squadron's notorious "spigot support" which
was given to unsuspecting visitors with the result that they departed in rather
too hilarious a mood. Lieut Seymour Francis was the reputed creator and
architect of this remarkable homage to Bacchus.
As
the month drew to an end, it became clear that the Battalion would definitely
not be the guests of Roosendaal for Xmas. On 26 Nov all courses were cancelled
and by the 29th the Squadrons were lined up in the Wildert area ready for
transporters which were to take the Battalion to 30 Corps area, established on
the left flank of the 9th U.S. Army.
Personal
recollections : Roosendaal
Roosendaal, the valley of the roses (where
were they?), was the major place in Holland liberated by the 9th, who were
supporting the Hallamshire Regiment (49 Div).
Because the campaign had slowed down
somewhat, the 9th remained in Roosendaal for a month. Sentimental attachments
grew both in general terms – the town to the Division and its units – and in
personal terms. The general terms are still very strongly continued, especially
through people such as Henk Bredevolt who runs a military museum in the town.
This museum does much to commemorate the exploits of the Dutch Resistance, 49
Div, and the 9th RTR. In the town itself there is a column surmounted by a
polar bear, the divisional emblem of the 49th.
There were undoubtedly many attachments
made between the local inhabitants and the British soldiers, some of friendship
and some of romance; these were hinted at in the war diary, and in some of the
personal recollections.
Beside social activities the features of
the month at Roosendaal most vividly remembered were: the fire in one of the
billets; formal training in tank crew skills, especially gunnery at
Willemstadt; a lot of sport, probably to counteract the effects of the demon
drink; and Cambrai day, on which sport and the demon both prevailed.
One of the indicators of the slower pace
was that John Hodges made only two entries in his diary for the period that the
9th spent in Roosendaal.
"4th November
Somebody started a fire in the school we
were billeted in. Blazed nicely until the local fire brigade arrived. Four men
in hospital as a result of jumping from windows.
18 November
Still at Roosendaal. Started re-training
tradesmen. Fired guns at Willemstad today. Beautiful old town, but very
battered. Great floods everywhere, much damage. Looks as if we shall be here
for some time".
Trevor Greenwood records the fire in much
more detail:
"Saturday 4 November 1944 D + 151
Arrangements were made this morning for
"C" to change places with HQ at 2.0pm i.e. "C" to transfer
to nearby school to allow all HQ to be housed in our school, and under one
roof. Consequently, we were all packed up ready for the transfer at 2.0pm. And
then the fire started. I was in the sergeants' room on the first floor and
noticed a smell of burning: about the same time somebody said "is the
bloody place on fire?" It certainly smelled like it. I rushed out and down
the main stairway – and there, in the large hall to the right, on the ground
floor, I noticed great tongues of flame leaping to the ceiling, and a
tremendous amount of black heavy smoke. Breathing was difficult, and I used a
hanky to gag myself. There was a real fire and no mistake, but why on earth
hadn't someone warned us? I was able to rush back up the stairs and up to the
second floor where most of the tank crews were preparing their kits for the
removal. By now, some smoke had reached this upper floor, and so my fire
warning was believed immediately, and most of the fellows chased down the
stairs. I went back to the lower floor and found the fire now partly engulfing
the main stairway – but most of our lads seemed to have got out. The sergeants'
room was by now a dense mass of smoke, but there was fresh air by the window. I
hung out my head for air, and there below were several of my colleagues asking
for their kit which had been left in the sergeants' room. I started to chuck it
out – valises, bedding, overcoats, haversacks – piles of the stuff went out of
those windows. I was now joined by an HQ sergeant and a trooper. The latter had
lost himself somehow and was looking for a way down.
We quickly got some blankets, and he slid
down safely to earth. And now the sergeants room was clear of kit. I went
upstairs again – groping my way through the now dense black smoke, and found
that Mr. Lilly was up there with one or two helpers – pouring stuff down to the
lower floor, from where it was pitched through the windows. There was a great
mass of stuff – including mens kit, bedding, food boxes, cookers etc. – all the
paraphernalia of the fighting members of the squadron, in fact.
We got rid of practically all of it, the
smoke meanwhile becoming less dense. The wind had shifted, and was now blowing
the fire away from our wing of the school. I went to the main stairway, but it
was impassable. A few more fellows escaped via blanket ladders, and then
someone appeared with a long ladder. This helped us to get out more kit.
The civvy fire engine arrived – and water
was soon being poured into the building. I was surprised to see the fire hoses
working because I understood there was no water supply in the town. Well, after
about an hour, during which the entire Battalion staff had appeared outside, we
had cleared most of the kit – and the fire seemed to be under control: I went
to the main stairway and managed to get past the flames: they were now in
check, thanks to the hoses. Outside, I was amazed to learn that there had been
some casualties.
Apparently, some of the crews had remained
on the second floor after my hurried warning. A few moments later, the terrific
cloud of smoke must have scared them. They did not know that the stairway was
clear to the floors below, where I was pitching out the sergeants' kit. So they
went to the windows – second story windows in a high building – and jumped into blankets held by colleagues
down below! A crazy business really – but fire seems to cause panic more
rapidly than anything else. Anyhow, a few fellows were hurt – particularly my
own troop viz. Cpl John Davis, broken leg, L/Cpl Johnnie Oakley fractured rib –
Tpr Eric Ward injured back (may be really serious). Also Ridgers and Gardner
(14 troop) injuries and shock.
One or two other fellows were hurt due to
falling off ladders etc. but nothing serious. The fire was ultimately put out –
but there was a glorious mess of kit lying around in the mud. And what a job
sorting it all out! We found most of our stuff, and transferred ourselves to
the new school – and HQ had to be content with occupying the undamaged portion
of our late billet. Fortunately, the fire was kept mainly on the ground floor,
and only about a quarter of the building was destroyed. So HQ have the
remaining three quarters all to themselves. But it is a very smelly three
quarters now.
The fire and subsequent excitement occupied
the entire afternoon. We just had time to find our new sleeping quarters before
dark. "C" have certainly gained by the change. Here there is electric
light, water in the taps, and genuine W.C.'s – the first I have seen since
leaving England – complete with chain etc - !! Presumably the fire will
necessitate a "court of enquiry" and the issue of much new kit. The
casualties too will involve more troop changes. Ward, my driver, was due to go
to Brussels for 48 hours in the morning. Slade is now going instead. He has earned
a rest anyway".
[Note: Fred Glasspool reported that John
Davis died as a result of the fire, and this is confirmed by the casualty list;
Eric Ward, however , returned to duty the next day having been found by the
hospital to have no broken bones, merely "shaken up"! Ed.]
Some of the inhabitants of Roosendaal had
collaborated in various ways with the Germans. Taffy Leyshon: "I watched
two women having their hair shaved off by a barber for being very friendly with
Germans".
And Jack Woods:
"We stayed in Roosendaal for a month
to refit and relax, during which time we took part in football matches, dances,
and general social activities, and others got leave in Brussels. We were all
billeted with civilian families. Charlie Merry, Sergeant Jakeman's co-driver,
and I were with German collaborators. They had their heads shaved and we had no
communication with them all the time we were there. There were two of them,
mother and daughter. The mother had been a washerwoman for the Germans and the
daughter was six months pregnant from a German boy friend. I wonder whether he
returned after the war?"
But Taffy Leyshon had happier memories of
Roosendaal. "In Roosendaal we slept in the cafe by the canal and every
night we had a party; four girls, friends of the owner, used to come, and the
owner who had hidden special drinks in a wall opened a bottle every
night". For every person, surely.
As mentioned in the war diary, one of the
major activities at Roosendaal was to train, re-train and trade-test tank crews
who had joined the squadron since the first battles. This training covered all
the trades. All training was done at Roosendaal except firing the tank
armament, and this was done at Willemstadt, and old town on the southern bank
of the Maas estuary. John Hodges found it a beautiful old town, but not so
Trevor Greenwood.
"Friday 24 Nov 1944 D + 171
Raining again – and misty. On parade at
8.15 with 15 troop and HQ gunners, commanders, loaders ready for journey to Willemstad. Left the
course in Jim Bevan's hands. About 15 miles to Willemstad. We had hardly left
Roosendaal when the appalling amount of water in this area became apparent.
Every field is surrounded with ditches: every road has ditches on each side –
the whole damn landscape is a maze of ditches: a most depressing place. As we
got nearer west, the fields gradually became more water logged – until finally
they disappeared, and we found ourselves riding along elevated roadways with
water all around. This was the result of the bursting of the dykes by the
enemy. The countryside had become a shallow inland sea, with waves lapping
against the road banking – leaving a tide mark of foam – presumably salt water.
houses stood gaunt and desolate in this mass of water – literally a waste land.
Occasionally, we passed through inhabited villages, most of them badly damaged.
They appear to have been built alongside the elevated roadway purposely to
avoid flooding. There were several civilians about – mostly sorting out
wreckage from ruined homes. There must have been fairly heavy fighting in this
almost treeless and dead flat country.....The high roads must have been blown
too – judging by the number of Bailey bridges we passed over.
Eventually reached the range – to the left
of Willemstad. Did our "shoot" – in the rain, and departed for
Roosendaal at noon – arriving in time for lunch".
Just before this shoot the unit, along with
all other battalions of the Royal Tank Regiment, celebrated Cambrai Day. This
commemorates the first major successful use of tanks in WWI when an attack was
made towards Cambrai on 20 November 1917. There are certain traditions to be
observed, as the first Newsletter records.
A Squadron: By this time (mid November) we
had begun to think that the 9th had been forgotten so we began to plan for the
celebration of Cambrai Day. The do extended over a whole week and a lot of
wood-alcohol (commonly called cognac for brevity's sake) was consumed. To add to our good fortune in drawing
Cambrai Day itself for our squadron dance we managed to win a barrel of beer by
licking all comers in a forty-a-side soccer match.
B Squadron: Cambrai Day was celebrated in
traditional style. As a prelude the squadron gave a very successful dance
organized by Capt. Roger Long and an able band of helpers on the 18th. Sunday
the 19th was spent in recuperating.
Cambrai Day itself opened with cups of tea
in bed, brought round by the officers; this was much to the consternation of
Sgt. Jock Riddell who had just joined the squadron. Then followed a 40-a-side
football match against A Squadron, which was a simple straight-forward mud
bath.
After this the squadron enjoyed a dinner of
roast beef and roast pork beautifully cooked by Sgt. Busty Nuttall and his
staff, followed by plums, ice cream, grapes, cigars and plenty of weak beer.
The dinner was held in a warm cafe with plates, glasses and cutlery all
arranged by SQMS Jim Lewis. Major Michael Reynell made a speech of sorts ably
assisted by Troopers Adrian Dibben, Hoppy Hopkins, and Norman Hughes.
C Squadron: The morning of Cambrai Day was
spent in a forty-a-side all-in rugby which thoroughly convinced the Dutch
populace of our mental instability. A very excellent meal was laid on which
could certainly hold its own with Cambrai dinners of other years. Ensa and band
concerts filled in the afternoon and evening.
One or two people have recorded their
personal memories of this day.
Jock Cordiner: "How could an ordinary
bod like me describe Cambrai Day? Magic! I loved being served by officers. It
did my inferiority complex a lot of good".
Ginger Gadd remembers the football match:
"It was decided that we should have a forty-a-side football match, the
prize for the winners a barrel of beer. The pitch was well under water – but
then it was Holland. To cut a long battle short, A Squadron carried off the 'Cup'
or I should say 'Barrel'."
It appears from the accounts of the Cambrai
Day game that no one was sure whether they were playing soccer, rugby, or some
other type of football – or just having a good fight. But in spite of the
weather and all other circumstances such as training, women, and drink, there
was a lot of sport played.
Peter Beale had been wounded in Normandy
and after a few months in hospital in England rejoined the 9th at Roosendaal on
25 Nov.
"Eventually I caught up with the 9th
at Roosendaal, and found quite a few changes. Mike Reynell was still OC and
Roger Long 2 i/c. Johnnie Brecknell was now RO, Peter Bracewell 6 Troop,
Johnnie Stone 7 Troop, the only surviving troop leader from when we landed,
Freddie Critchley 8 Troop, David Scott 9 and Mike gave me 10. Not knowing the
battle situation, I had expected that the squadron would either be in action or
preparing for it. Instead the greeting was: good to see you back, you're just
in time to play hockey against the locals!"
9.2 December Nomads: Geilenkirchen
As described at the beginning of this
chapter, there was some indecision – or as Monty would say, lack of grip – in
the higher command of the allied forces at this time. The result for many units
was to intensify the well-known military complaint of "order,
counter-order, disorder". By this time, however, the great majority of
Canadian, American, and British units had become very capable and philosophical
about dealing with changes in plan. The War Diary for this period gives chapter
and verse for the changes and the capability to deal with them.. To establish
continuity the last paragraph of the War Diary quoted in section 9.1 is here
included.
The
War Diary 29 Nov - 16 Dec 1944
As
the month of November drew to a close it became clear that the Battalion would
not be the guests of Roosendaal for Christmas. On 26 November all training
courses were cancelled. By the 29th the squadrons were lined up in the Wildert
area ready for the transporters which were to take the Battalion to 30 Corps
area, established on the left flank of the 9th US Army in the vicinity of
Geilenkirchen.
By
Dec 1st half the journey to 30 Corps area had been completed and once again the
Battalion were in Belgium, receiving the traditional Flemish hospitality.
The
wheels column spent one night at Opglabbeek about fifteen miles north west of
Maastricht and it was believed that a couple of days would be spent there
awaiting the arrival of the tanks which were travelling on transporters via
Brussels. But orders were received that the journey would continue the
following night in order to ease the traffic problems over the American bridge
that was now carrying all traffic west because the bridges further north had
been destroyed by the rising river.
The
tank column remained at Waterscheide and finally followed 24 hours later, also
travelling at night over minor roads which in no way corresponded with those
shown on the map. Though no tanks were lost, there were a number of stragglers
who had thrown tracks on the bad, narrow roads.
By
mid-day 8 Dec, however, the Battalion had concentrated in Brunssum under 34
Tank Brigade, which now formed the nucleus of 30 Corps reserve. This reserve
was to be prepared to take up defensive positions on the right flank to hold
back any enemy penetrations down the Wurm Valley – the Corps front being held
by 43 Division on the right with 8 Armoured Brigade under command and the
Guards Armoured Division on the left.
The
first few days passed without any excitement, though each day new billetting
arrangements were made due to the constant changing of Regimental areas. This
discomfort was, however, in part compensated for by being able to indulge in
the luxury of hot baths and showers made available at a nearby pit-head.
This
was also a favourable opportunity to put the finishing touches to the formation
of the "Qui s'y Frotte" Association, which had been formed to provide
help and give assistance to next-of-kin of members of the regiment who are
killed in action, and the first copies of the Battalion Newsletter were
circulated.
147
RAC relieved a regiment of the 8 Armoured Brigade after a couple of days and on
the eighth the Battalion moved forward into Germany to take their place, while
156 Brigade came under command 43 Division and relieved 129 Brigade.
The
German villages had been badly damaged and one remembered the Normandy villages
of the past. The mud was thick, which necessitated a universal issue of
gum-boots, and as the change-over took place the tanks nosed their way into
damaged houses and prepared positions. Reconstruction of living was necessary –
cellars and houses were made habitable and in the forward areas the most common
sign of life was a thin trail of smoke rising from a rusty pipe that protruded
from a cellar.
At
the same time that the Battalion took over from 147 RAC, 156 Brigade, which had
come under command 43 Division, relieved 124 Bde. "A" Squadron moved
two troops into Hockheide in support of 6 Cameronians, and held two troops in
reserve at Bauchem. "B" Squadron also had two troops forward in
Rischden in support of 4/5 RSF with the remainder of the Squadron at
Niederheide. "C" Squadron remained in reserve in the HQ area which
had been established in Gillrath.
The
front remained quiet though there was a certain amount of activity in preparation
for future operations.
During
this lull further experiments were carried out with Brigade Electrical and
Mechanical Engineers (BEME) concerning the device to be fitted to Churchills
for clearing paths through schu minefields in order to assist the infantry in
attack against prepared positions. (Schu mines were small anti-personnel mines
which blew off the lower part of a man's leg; they were made of wood and could
not be detected by the standard mine-detectors). On 9 Dec a demonstration was
given attended by the Division Commander and was considered successful. Though
various experiments had been carried out the device finally approved consisted
of a steel bar at the end of which were welded steel plates drilled so that
they could be attached to the edge of the hollycone drawbar. On the bar were
threaded two sets of manganese track plates separated by a distance piece.
Each
set of plates had the spuds facing forward and consisted of a total of seven
plates, the sixth being specially adapted by welding to its spud three carrier
universal track plates. The wheel guides of the carrier track plates acted as
combs on the ground and as the plates were welded so that on the side of the
tank track itself there was an overlap of four inches it was possible to clear
two lanes approximately 5 feet in width with an uncleared gap in the centre of
approximately 1 foot.
On
Dec 10th the CO attended an 'O' group at 214 Brigade at which 43 Division
Operation 'Shears' was outlined whereby the enemy divisions disposed west of
the River Roer between Roermond and Geilenkirchen were to be destroyed. 34 Tank
Brigade with 43 Division were to do the break-out and 52 Division with 8
Armoured Brigade and Guards Armoured Division the mopping-up. 9 RTR tanks in
support 214 Brigade were to complete the first phase of the break-out.
Following
heavy and continual rain the ground provided poor tank going and frequent
reports showed no improvement. Nevertheless, thousands of air photos and maps
were issued and every plan was complete when the news came that the operation
was cancelled.
The
Battalion remained in its position with its role unchanged.
On
Dec 16th news was received of the German counter-offensive against the American
First Army front, attacking with the 5th and 6th Panzer Armies.
Personal
Recollections
John Hodges' diary describes the move from
Roosendaal to Brunssum and thence to Geilenkirchen, and the beginning of what
was to become the Ardennes battle.
29th November
The wheels begin to turn again and we set
out for 2nd Army Area. Wheels move to Opglabbeek 112 miles. Half-track broke
down so had to finish journey on Jeep. Tanks coming by transporter tomorrow.
Have just learnt we move on tomorrow night leaving about 10pm!
30th November
Good swift journey after a false start when
Stan Tresize took us the wrong way. Cross the River Maas and reached Brunssum,
South Holland, about 1½ miles from the German border.
6th December
Bed at 4am for 3 hours. The tanks arrive
tomorrow night.
8th December
We take over front line from 147 RAC. Thus
we crossed into Germany about 9.45a.m. We are now sitting in a German house
with the Boche about three-quarters of a mile away. Thick mud everywhere and
utter devastation on all sides. We are now at Gillrath about 2 miles north east
of Geilenkirchen.
17th December
We've now been holding the front line for a
week, and until today it has been reasonably quiet. Today, however the Boche
started to counter-attack the Americans and it has caused a fair 'flap'."
Most people remembered one thing about
Geilenkirchen – mud. The next common memory was of ominous, almost Teutonic,
eerieness. Was it perhaps because it was the first time we had set foot on
German soil and the spirits, if not the Wehrmacht, were there to harry us?
Associated with Geilenkirchen in our memories will always be Brunssum, a Dutch
coal mining town which boasted at least three main attractions, comfortable
billets, pit-head baths, and a photographer's studio. Jack Woods:
"We left Roosendaal en route to
Geilenkirchen via Brunssum, I mention Brunssum because there for some reason
most of B Squadron had their photographs taken at the local studio and Cyril
Handley of 13 Troop (I trained with him) eventually married a girl from there;
one day I'll find out what we did there. In Geilenkirchen we were line holding,
we crept into our positions in first gear in order not to alert the enemy of
our coming. Inspire IV was parked under a brick arch adjoining a house in whose
cellar we installed ourselves. The cellar came up into the doorway of the
house, there was no longer a front door, just a gap, and it was there we
mounted guard at night. The form was that a piece of string was attached to
David Scott's wrist and led up to the guard post. If something happened and
David was required, whoever was on guard could pull the string and David would
come up. My turn on guard, my personal weapon was a green Sten Gun with a
shaped butt which I acquired during the Le Havre battle and I didn't even know
whether it worked. When I heard a patrol coming up the road, I didn't know
whether to pull the string, fire the gun, or keep my head down. I chose the
latter; fortunately it was a British patrol so I breathed again. When we left
the area we were well and truly stonked, the Guards who replaced us made more
noise than Larry coming in".
Jock Cordiner:
"The Brunssum/Geilenkirchen area I
certainly did not like. We were parked much too close to the enemy in mud, mud,
mud, and existence when not on lookout in the cold, damp, dark cellar of a
ruined house was awful. The pile of mouldy potatoes in the cellar came in
handy, but with restrictions on sound and choked by cooking smoke in our
underground cell the days and nights were never-ending. I never heard a
satisfactory explanation for the muffled footsteps heard one night outside our
tiny ground level window as we crouched silently waiting for the grenade which
never came. It was an eerie, creepy place".
Ginger Gadd remembers a very similar
incident. Ginger was then wireless op to Lieut Gerry Wells, commanding 5 Troop
of A Squadron.
"We had reached a little place in
Germany called Geilenkirchen. It was late evening, and my commander was Lieut
Wells, known to us as 'Gaffer'. We were posted one crew on guard at a time,
with one man on each tank and two men at the door of the house. The Gaffer
patrolled round the house, and I was at the door. We weren't to make any noise,
for we could hear the Jerry patrols going through. Suddenly I heard a step
behind me. I thought my last moment had come, waiting any moment for a bayonet
in the back – I was absolutely transfixed.
When the Gaffer came to the house again I
just made signs behind me. The top of the house was blown off at the back, and
a brick had been dislodged. Until the Gaffer spoke I didn't get my voice back;
believe you me, when you are in that frame of mind you just pray and
hope".
Some people, however, viewed Geilenkirchen
and the surrounding villages of Niederhiede, Hochheid, Bauchen, Rischden and
Gillrath in a much more positive way. The B Squadron Newsletter: "Our stay
in Brunssum was uneventful but comfortable and hot baths at the pithead were a
great attraction. Some astonishment was caused by two notices on the one house.
The first read: 'Allied soldiers avoid this house; German sympathizers'; and
the second 'Officer Commanding B Squadron'. It was a very comfortable house.
After a week in Brunssum we moved into the
line north of Geilenkirchen where we lived in the cellars of ruined houses
entirely surrounded by a sea of mud. We ate German cow and German vegetables
and reaped the benefit of German agriculture.
Tpr Jimmy Roberts proved himself to be a
first class butcher and he and Sgt. Brierley ran a well-stocked butcher's shop
which kept us all well supplied with steaks and roasts".
7 Troop, commanded by Lieut John Stone, were
also positive about the area: "In due course 7 Troop arrived at
Niederheide where a good time was had by all and everyone declared 'It's the
best bit of line we've struck". The housewives soon got cracking and roast
joints and baked apples with honey were the order of the day. The honey was
provided courtesy of the bee-keeping skills of L/Cpl Boyce Dunsford and Tpr
Eric Bunce".
From all the previous accounts it looks as
though an abundance of local produce was turned into delicious meals by the
tankmen's culinary skills. Not all tankmen were good cooks, however. Peter
Bracewell, commanding 6 Troop, promised his crew that he would cook an apple
pie for them according to his mother's recipe. The apple was very tasty, but
the crust was cooked simply of flour and water. The result was a revolutionary
armour plate, and determined attempts to cut or bludgeon it into edible pieces
resulted only in shattering the plates on which it lay – without having any
noticeable effect on the pastry at all.
The 9th had been in the Geilenkirchen area
for some eight days, and planning for Operation Shears was going ahead, when on
16 Dec Hitler launched his Ardennes offensive. We will consider the effect of
the Ardennes campaign on the 9th very shortly, but first we must turn the
spotlight on Capt. Neville Lord, of whom HQ Squadron Newsletter reports:
"On Dec 16 Capt. Lord, in a state of
nervous collapse, was led off to Brussels and there married Miss Mary Anderson
Bellaby. Profiting by our pre-occupation with this notable event, Hitler
treacherously launched his counter-offensive".
Neville was a delightful charming character
– although perhaps slightly accident prone, as a broken nose and broken wrist
in 6 months of campaigning would testify. Comments in the various newsletters show
something of the affection in which he was held.
A Squadron: At this time we had Neville Lord with us.
His motives in rescuing a young collaboratress from the hands of the Orange
Brigade are beyond question. Neville bears a selfless devotion to the British
way of life, and any references to the young lady's undoubted physical charms
are to be discouraged. From this time on we heard a number of Dutchmen refer to
us as the Royal Amour Corps. (Note: this was before Neville's marriage).
C Squadron:
Capt. Neville Lord took the opportunity of a lull to ride off in a jeep and get
married in Brussels. We offer to him as an old member of the Squadron our
heartiest congratulations, and to his wife our deepest sympathy!
Hitler's attack, initially camouflaged by Neville's
wedding, certainly took the Allied high command by surprise. For a few days
there was some very confused sorting-out, as well as some very gallant fighting
by the American soldiers on whom the blow had fallen. But at least two senior
commanders, after thinking about it carefully, realized there could be great
benefits for the Allies.
Lt-Gen Brian Horrocks: "Then, as I studied the
map, I realized that it was really an act of madness, probably inspired by
Hitler. The Germans were doing us a favour by saving us the trouble of a winter
offensive across flooded rivers like the Roer, on the other side of which we
would be vulnerable to counter-attacks by panzer divisions. Instead it was they
who would now be vulnerable, and I concluded that the further they came the
fewer would get back, and that we had a good chance of eliminating much of
their remaining armoured forces". And Gen. George Patton, commanding III
US Army, is reported to have said: "Fine! We should open up and let them
get all the way to Paris. Then we'll saw 'em off at the base!"